{"id":279,"date":"2025-06-14T20:35:32","date_gmt":"2025-06-14T14:50:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/?p=279"},"modified":"2025-06-14T20:45:02","modified_gmt":"2025-06-14T15:00:02","slug":"ird-dictionary-ifa","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/ird-dictionary-ifa\/","title":{"rendered":"IRD Dictionary: IFA"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t<div data-elementor-type=\"wp-post\" data-elementor-id=\"279\" class=\"elementor elementor-279\" data-elementor-post-type=\"post\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-4bdd2e4 elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"4bdd2e4\" data-element_type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-default\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-1e67eba\" data-id=\"1e67eba\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-6a2ae31 elementor-widget elementor-widget-video\" data-id=\"6a2ae31\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-settings=\"{&quot;video_type&quot;:&quot;hosted&quot;,&quot;controls&quot;:&quot;yes&quot;}\" data-widget_type=\"video.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"e-hosted-video elementor-wrapper elementor-open-inline\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<video class=\"elementor-video\" src=\"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/06\/IR-Dictionary.mp3\" controls=\"\" preload=\"metadata\" controlsList=\"nodownload\" poster=\"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/listenlearn-1.png\"><\/video>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-93e670d elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"93e670d\" data-element_type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-default\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-7e5121d\" data-id=\"7e5121d\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-03ee8dc elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"03ee8dc\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<table><tbody><tr><td width=\"282\"><p><strong>Filename<\/strong><\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p><strong>Start Time<\/strong><\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p><strong>End Time<\/strong><\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p><strong>Duration<\/strong><\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Accommodation<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:00:00.000<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:12.408<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:12.408<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Act_of_Aggression<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:12.408<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:10:27.936<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:15.528<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Act_of_Coercion<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:10:27.936<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:16:16.991<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:49.055<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Act_of_War<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:16:16.991<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:19:26.304<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:09.312<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Adjudication<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:19:26.304<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:26:39.480<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:13.175<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Administered_Territory<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:26:39.480<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:29:54.144<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:14.663<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Afghan_Crisis<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:29:54.144<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:35:52.896<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:58.752<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>African_Union<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:35:52.896<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:40:55.608<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:02.711<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Agent-Structure_Debate<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:40:55.608<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:45:34.487<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:38.879<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Aid<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:45:34.487<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:51:53.208<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:18.720<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Air_Power<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:51:53.208<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:55:12.000<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:18.792<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Alliance_System<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:55:12.000<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:01:59.519<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:47.519<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Ambassador<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:01:59.519<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:10:51.072<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:51.552<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Amnesty<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:10:51.072<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:16:43.847<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:52.776<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Anarchy<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:16:43.847<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:25:28.032<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:44.183<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Apartheid<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:25:28.032<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:30:37.032<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:09.000<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Arab-Israel_Conflict<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:30:37.032<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:36:59.591<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:22.560<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Arab_League<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:36:59.591<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:45:51.743<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:52.152<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Arbitration<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:45:51.743<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:50:16.032<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:24.288<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Armistice<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:50:16.032<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:55:48.239<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:32.208<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Arms_control<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>01:55:48.239<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:02:01.608<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:13.367<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Arms_trade<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:02:01.608<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:07:51.576<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:49.968<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>ASEAN<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:07:51.576<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:18:33.791<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:10:42.216<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>AUKUS<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:18:33.791<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:24:36.167<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:02.375<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Autarky<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:24:36.167<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:33:04.703<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:28.536<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Axis_of_Evil<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:33:04.703<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:36:27.095<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:22.391<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Balance_of_Payment<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:36:27.095<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:40:55.391<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:28.295<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Balance_of_Power<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:40:55.391<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:50:08.327<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:09:12.936<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Balkanization<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:50:08.327<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:54:35.087<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:26.759<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Bandung_Conference<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:54:35.087<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:59:52.007<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:16.920<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>BBIN<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>02:59:52.007<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:04:36.456<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:44.447<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>BCIM<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:04:36.456<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:08:34.992<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:58.536<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Beggar-Thy-Neighbor_Policies<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:08:34.992<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:12:56.183<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:21.192<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Belligerency<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:12:56.183<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:14:26.231<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:01:30.048<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Belt_and_Road_Initiative_BRI<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:14:26.231<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:26:23.471<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:11:57.240<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Berlin_Crisis<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:26:23.471<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:30:04.343<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:40.872<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Bilateralism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:30:04.343<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:37:52.272<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:47.927<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>BIMSTEC<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:37:52.272<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:44:28.584<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:36.312<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Biological_Weapons<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:44:28.584<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:47:42.120<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:13.536<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Bipolarity<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:47:42.120<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:53:28.631<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:46.512<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Blitzkrieg<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:53:28.631<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:55:13.440<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:01:44.808<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Blockade<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:55:13.440<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:59:33.263<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:19.824<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Bretton_Woods<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>03:59:33.263<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:05:51.791<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:18.528<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Buffer_State_System<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:05:51.791<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:10:06.239<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:14.448<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Build_Back_Better_World_B3W<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:10:06.239<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:16:41.927<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:35.687<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Bush_Doctrine_and_US_Policy<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:16:41.927<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:20:54.695<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:12.768<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Capitalism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:20:54.695<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:29:26.399<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:31.704<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Citizenship<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:29:26.399<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:34:51.504<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:25.103<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Climate_Change<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:34:51.504<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:43:36.792<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:45.288<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>CNN_Factor<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:43:36.792<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:48:55.511<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:18.720<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Cold_War<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:48:55.511<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:52:09.576<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:14.063<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Collective_Security<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:52:09.576<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:55:22.632<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:13.056<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Communism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:55:22.632<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:59:50.687<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:28.055<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Communitarianism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>04:59:50.687<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:02:16.536<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:25.848<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Concept_of_Development<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:02:16.536<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:08:06.864<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:50.327<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Concept_of_Embedded_Liberalism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:08:06.864<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:12:22.632<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:15.768<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Concept_of_Exploitation<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:12:22.632<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:17:25.175<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:02.543<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Concept_of_Failed_State<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:17:25.175<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:23:04.031<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:38.855<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Concept_of_Political_Risk<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:23:04.031<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:27:25.848<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:21.815<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Concert_of_Powers<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:27:25.848<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:31:53.063<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:27.216<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Cosmopolitanism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:31:53.063<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:38:17.448<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:24.384<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Crisis_in_World_Politics<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:38:17.448<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:46:17.855<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:00.408<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Critical_Theory<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:46:17.855<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:51:23.952<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:06.096<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Debt_Trap<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:51:23.952<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:56:44.472<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:20.519<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Decolonization<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>05:56:44.472<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:03:58.128<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:13.656<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Democratic_Peace_Theory<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:03:58.128<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:08:25.752<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:27.624<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Democratization<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:08:25.752<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:17:30.504<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:09:04.751<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Dependency_Theory<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:17:30.504<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:24:21.840<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:51.336<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Deterrence<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:24:21.840<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:29:41.207<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:19.367<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Digital_Divide<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:29:41.207<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:34:45.383<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:04.175<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Diplomacy<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:34:45.383<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:43:30.912<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:45.528<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Disarmament<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:43:30.912<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:51:09.743<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:38.831<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Doctrine_of_Irredentism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:51:09.743<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:55:49.344<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:39.600<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Doctrine_of_Just_War<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:55:49.344<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:59:50.975<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:01.632<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>End_of_History_Thesis<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>06:59:50.975<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:02:54.551<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:03.575<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>English_School_of_Thought<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:02:54.551<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:06:09.288<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:14.735<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Ethnicity<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:06:09.288<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:11:52.344<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:43.055<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Ethnic_Cleansing<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:11:52.344<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:17:04.151<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:11.807<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Euro<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:17:04.151<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:19:18.096<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:13.943<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>European_Union<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:19:18.096<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:29:58.799<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:10:40.703<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Feminist_Theory<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:29:58.799<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:37:25.416<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:26.615<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Foreign_Aid<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:37:25.416<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:45:06.623<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:41.208<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Foreign_Direct_Investment_FDI<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:45:06.623<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:52:14.567<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:07.944<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Free_Trade<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:52:14.567<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:57:05.759<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:51.192<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Genocide<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>07:57:05.759<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:02:27.599<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:21.839<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Geopolitics<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:02:27.599<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:10:04.223<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:36.624<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Globalization<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:10:04.223<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:17:21.959<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:17.735<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Global_Civil_Society<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:17:21.959<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:19:32.639<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:10.680<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Global_Warming<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:19:32.639<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:29:35.256<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:10:02.615<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Great_Powers<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:29:35.256<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:33:43.655<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:08.400<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Great_Power_Competition<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:33:43.655<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:40:46.968<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:03.312<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Great_Power_Cooperation<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:40:46.968<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:47:25.991<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:39.024<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Group_of_Seven_G7<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:47:25.991<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:50:07.103<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:41.111<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Hegemonic_Stability<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:50:07.103<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:52:26.184<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:19.080<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Hegemony<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:52:26.184<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:56:01.848<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:35.663<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Humanitarian_Intervention<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>08:56:01.848<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:00:42.240<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:40.391<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Human_Rights<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:00:42.240<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:07:32.184<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:49.944<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Human_Security<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:07:32.184<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:13:11.088<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:38.903<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Huntingtons_Clash_of_Civilizations<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:13:11.088<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:18:56.544<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:45.456<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Idealism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:18:56.544<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:24:17.351<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:20.807<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Idea_of_Distributive_Justice<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:24:17.351<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:28:54.743<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:37.391<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Idea_of_Enemy<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:28:54.743<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:34:36.000<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:41.255<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Idea_of_Extraterritoriality<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:34:36.000<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:38:24.767<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:48.768<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Idea_of_Global_Governance<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:38:24.767<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:43:30.023<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:05.255<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Imagined_Community<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:43:30.023<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:47:16.391<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:46.367<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Integration<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:47:16.391<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:50:46.127<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:29.735<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>International_Criminal_Court_ICC<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:50:46.127<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:55:35.832<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:49.704<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>International_Criminal_Tribunals<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:55:35.832<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:58:03.216<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:27.383<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>International_Law<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>09:58:03.216<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:04:31.127<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:27.911<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>International_Monetary_Fund_IMF<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:04:31.127<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:10:42.216<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:11.088<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>International_Political_Economy<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:10:42.216<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:15:43.415<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:01.199<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>International_Society<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:15:43.415<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:20:48.624<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:05.208<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Jihad<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:20:48.624<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:25:31.103<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:42.480<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Kants_Perpetual_Peace<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:25:31.103<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:29:06.216<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:35.111<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>League_of_Nations<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:29:06.216<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:32:55.968<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:49.752<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Legitimacy<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:32:55.968<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:38:00.767<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:04.800<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Levels_of_Analysis_Problem<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:38:00.767<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:42:59.016<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:58.247<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Liberal_Internationalism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:42:59.016<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:47:19.919<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:20.903<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Light_of_Asia<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:47:19.919<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:53:17.112<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:57.192<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Loose_Nukes<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:53:17.112<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:55:40.415<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:23.304<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>MAD<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:55:40.415<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:59:53.400<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:12.984<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Marxism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>10:59:53.400<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:06:02.855<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:09.456<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Mercado_Com\u00fan_del_Sur<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:06:02.855<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:09:29.760<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:26.903<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Mercantilism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:09:29.760<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:13:56.184<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:26.423<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Mercenary<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:13:56.184<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:20:16.199<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:20.016<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Millennium_Challenge_Corporation_MCC<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:20:16.199<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:31:56.328<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:11:40.128<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Misperception<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:31:56.328<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:36:21.936<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:25.608<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>MNCs<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:36:21.936<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:39:57.527<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:35.592<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Multilateralism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:39:57.527<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:46:02.639<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:05.112<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Nation-State<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:46:02.639<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:49:47.688<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:45.048<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Nationalism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:49:47.688<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:54:04.296<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:16.608<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>National_Interest<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:54:04.296<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:59:35.112<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:30.815<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Newly_Industrializing_Countries_NICs<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>11:59:35.112<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:03:43.680<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:08.568<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Non-Government_Organizations_NGOs<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:03:43.680<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:09:40.631<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:56.951<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Non-Tariff_Barrier_NTB<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:09:40.631<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:14:21.120<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:40.487<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>North_Atlantic_Treaty_Organization_NATO<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:14:21.120<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:18:06.911<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:45.792<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Nuclear_Proliferation<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:18:06.911<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:24:09.455<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:02.543<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>OECD<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:24:09.455<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:27:14.303<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:04.848<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>OPEC<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:27:14.303<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:31:13.127<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:58.824<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>OSCE<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:31:13.127<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:35:23.016<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:09.888<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Peacebuilding<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:35:23.016<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:39:12.599<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:49.584<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Peacekeeping<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:39:12.599<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:45:47.904<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:35.303<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Peace_Studies<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:45:47.904<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:48:31.296<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:43.391<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Policy_of_Appeasement<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:48:31.296<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:54:34.680<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:03.384<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Policy_of_Capital_Control<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:54:34.680<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:59:13.103<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:38.423<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Policy_of_Containment<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>12:59:13.103<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:08:12.743<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:59.639<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Policy_of_Isolationism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:08:12.743<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:13:33.696<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:20.951<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Political_Realism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:13:33.696<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:20:23.663<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:49.968<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Population_Growth<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:20:23.663<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:24:08.544<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:44.879<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Postmodernism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:24:08.544<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:27:36.767<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:28.223<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Power<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:27:36.767<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:33:07.175<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:30.408<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Preventive_Diplomacy<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:33:07.175<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:36:04.847<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:57.671<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Principle_of_Managed_Trade<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:36:04.847<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:39:31.775<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:26.927<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Principle_of_Reciprocity<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:39:31.775<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:45:40.584<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:08.807<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Prisoners_Dilemma<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:45:40.584<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:46:40.080<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:00:59.496<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Protection_of_Civilians<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:46:40.080<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:51:00.696<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:20.615<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Public_Goods<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:51:00.696<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:54:41.495<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:40.800<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Recognition<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:54:41.495<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:58:44.040<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:02.544<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Refugees<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>13:58:44.040<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:06:54.311<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:10.271<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Regime<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:06:54.311<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:15:04.608<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:10.295<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Regionalism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:15:04.608<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:21:14.447<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:09.839<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Regional_Trade_Blocs<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:21:14.447<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:27:57.743<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:43.295<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Relative_GainsAbsolute_Gains<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:27:57.743<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:30:52.656<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:54.912<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Rogue_State<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:30:52.656<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:33:32.495<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:39.840<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Role_of_Diaspora<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:33:32.495<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:41:06.983<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:34.487<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>SAARC<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:41:06.983<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:46:14.807<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:07.824<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Safe_Haven<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:46:14.807<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:51:32.783<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:17.975<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Sanctions<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:51:32.783<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:55:14.351<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:41.568<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Science_Diplomacy<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>14:55:14.351<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:02:32.040<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:17.687<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Secession<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:02:32.040<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:06:04.656<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:32.616<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Security<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:06:04.656<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:12:01.896<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:57.240<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Security_Dilemma<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:12:01.896<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:15:48.839<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:46.943<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Self-Determination<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:15:48.839<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:19:49.319<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:00.479<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Shanghai_Cooperation_Organization_SCO<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:19:49.319<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:23:51.815<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:02.496<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Sovereignty<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:23:51.815<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:30:36.023<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:44.208<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Structural_Adjustment_Program_SAP<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:30:36.023<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:36:43.319<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:07.295<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Structural_Violence<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:36:43.319<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:39:24.911<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:41.592<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Superpower<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:39:24.911<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:42:59.256<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:34.343<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Sustainable_Development<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:42:59.256<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:51:12.720<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:13.463<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Terrorism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:51:12.720<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:59:13.608<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:00.887<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Theory_of_Constructivism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>15:59:13.608<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:07:29.544<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:15.935<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Theory_of_Functionalism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:07:29.544<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:10:17.807<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:48.264<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Theory_of_Imperialism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:10:17.807<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:14:39.624<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:21.815<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Theory_of_Interdependence<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:14:39.624<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:21:07.752<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:28.127<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Theory_of_Modernization<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:21:07.752<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:25:41.184<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:33.432<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Third_World<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:25:41.184<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:29:47.735<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:06.551<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Torture<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:29:47.735<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:35:53.927<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:06.192<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Tragedy_of_Commons<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:35:53.927<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:40:38.472<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:44.543<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Trans-Pacific_Partnership<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:40:38.472<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:45:30.983<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:52.512<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Treaty_of_Westphalia<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:45:30.983<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:49:04.991<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:34.008<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Ukraine_Crisis<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:49:04.991<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:54:41.735<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:36.744<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Unilateralism<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:54:41.735<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:59:59.472<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:17.735<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>United_Nations_UN<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>16:59:59.472<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:08:04.415<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:08:04.944<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Wars_of_the_Third_Kind<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:08:04.415<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:08:58.919<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:00:54.503<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>War_Crimes<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:08:58.919<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:13:27.911<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:28.992<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>War_on_Terror<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:13:27.911<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:16:42.048<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:14.135<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Weapons_of_Mass_Destruction<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:16:42.048<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:21:26.927<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:04:44.879<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Women_in_Development_WID<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:21:26.927<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:27:45.959<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:19.031<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>World_Bank<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:27:45.959<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:34:48.000<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:07:02.040<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>World_Systems_Theory<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:34:48.000<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:38:41.591<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:03:53.592<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Xenophobia<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:38:41.591<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:45:33.023<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:06:51.432<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Yalta_Conference<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:45:33.023<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:48:25.847<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:02:52.824<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Zero-Sum<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:48:25.847<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:49:48.167<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:01:22.319<\/p><\/td><\/tr><tr><td width=\"282\"><p>Zone_of_Peace_Proposal<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:49:48.167<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>17:55:10.680<\/p><\/td><td width=\"114\"><p>00:05:22.512<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><p>\u00a0<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-e9009a2 elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"e9009a2\" data-element_type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-default\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-21032c0\" data-id=\"21032c0\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-ec0af6e elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"ec0af6e\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<h1>Accommodation<\/h1><p>Accommodation in international relations refers to the policy of adjusting differences and mitigating hostility between states through mutual acceptance and adaptation on a common ground. Usually, the rising powers and influential nations choose accommodation to ensure their international position and avoid potential conflict with other states. The process of successful accommodation in the international arena is a daunting task as it involves sharing dominance, accepting the sphere of influence, and tolerating the change in status quo, some executed through institutional mecha nism or agreement between states. The term accommodation is frequently used to frame the coexisting relationship among the great and rising powers as they try to establish a peaceful world order via cooperation and mutual reassurance. Apart from maintaining stability or absence of war, accommodation also includes those contexts, when one great power accepts a certain degree of the global or regional power status of others and acknowledges their spheres of influence. While talking about accommodation concerning the great powers and rising powers, the rising powers sometimes get status and a particular privilege like the recognition of their sphere of influence or promise of no military challenges but the established powers rarely offer such a favor to the states and new comers in the international power realm. Accommodation can be categorized into two forms according to its nature: full accommodation and partial accommodation. The former refers to the acceptance of the emerging power&#8217;s position, recognizing its leadership status in international affairs including, political, economic, and security areas. The best example of full ac commodation is the United Kingdom accommodating the regional and global inter est of the United States in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.1 Partial accommodation is more tilted toward institutional domain rather than the economic or security one. To cite an example, in the 1970s the United States recognized China and supported it in the UN Security Council and started trading with China. The principle of accommodation does not assume that international conflict is a zero-sum game, where one party&#8217;s profit is the loss of the other one. It rather assumes that the 1\u00a0 total harmony of interests does not prevail taking accommodation as a halfway house between confrontation and harmony.2 In the Nepali context, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy objectives have accommodated the policy of neutrality, non-alignment, and equidistance, owing to its geopolitical situ ation, and to adjust the changing circumstances and settlement of differences. The geostrategic location between India and China is a principal concern in Nepal&#8217;s se curity and stability3 and neutrality is an instrument to secure its geopolitical oppor tunities. It should not be seen as Nepal&#8217;s renunciation of its immense neighborhood. Neutrality is not just about abstaining from getting dragged into dispute or war. Instead, it acquired a strategic value when both the neighbors become engaged in rivalry. The neutrality King Mahendra exercised in 1962, when India and China were in war, was a strategic and tactical move compared to the policy of neutrality that Ne pal displayed in 2017, when India and China had a standoff over Doklam.4 The 1962 neutrality was the byproduct of the Non-Alignment Movement (NAM) while 2017 neutrality can be interpreted from the twofold perspectives of &#8216;hiding&#8217; and &#8216;binding&#8217;. Hiding embraces the tactic of concealment, where a third-party state purposefully opts not to indulge in the conflict between two arch-rivals; instead, it prefers to hide or disguise itself, assuming indulging in conflict may not be beneficial. In contrast, binding is a tactic of revealing a state&#8217;s belief and conviction, where a third-party state resolutely opts to abide by international law, world peace, and UN Charter. Interpreting Doklam standoff in terms of the binding principle, we can say that adherence to UN charter, world peace, and global security barred Nepal from getting hauled into the standoff. However, the Nepali state has not been able to decide whether it practiced hiding or binding form of neutrality.5 It is always best for Nepal to inform the international community that Nepal adheres to a peaceful world order. The spirit of accommodation is also found in the equidistance policy that Nepal follows in dealing with big powers like India and China. Strategically, the rationale for a policy of equidistance is balancing Nepal&#8217;s relations with India and China. Ideo logically, equidistance is a Cold War strategy adopted by small powers in the then bipolar world. Although today&#8217;s world is multipolar, equidistance is still not an out dated idea for Nepal because of its geostrategic location. Thus, Nepal continues to express its commitment to the equidistance policy in various ways6 to accommodate the interest of the neighboring countries, major powers, and great powers.<\/p><h1>Act of Aggression<\/h1><p>An act of aggression is defined as the use of force or coercive actions by a State against the sovereignty, territorial integrity, or political independence of another state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Charter of the United Nations.7 Aggression is an unjustified, immoral, and illegal attack or intervention by one state against 2\u00a0 another. Therefore, it is offensive. Aggression can be categorized as direct and indirect. Ja pan&#8217;s attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 was a case of direct aggression, while the Lockheed U-2 flown during the Cold War over the So viet Union, China, Vietnam, and Cuba, by the United States was indirect aggression.8 Direct aggression includes physical assault while indirect aggression displays threat Photo Credit: Reuters through hostility and anger. Aggression is, however, not limited to military acts. It also takes the form of economic measures like blockade by a state or group of states against another state. In 1946, the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg stated that &#8216;to initiate a war of aggression &#8230; is the supreme international crime&#8217;.9 Although Article 39 of the Charter VII of the Charter of the United Nations has allocated the task of determining the occurrence of aggression to the Security Council, definition of aggression has been omitted in the UN&#8217;s Charter itself. Still, Convention for the Definition of Aggression, which took place in London on 3 July, 1993, and of which Romania, Estonian Republic, Latvian Republic, Polish Repub lic, Turkish Republic, Persia, USSR, Afghanistan, Finland, were parties, defined the circumstances leading to an aggression: 1. A Declaration of war is made against another state; 2. An Armed invasion of another&#8217;s territory sans the declaration of war; 3. An Attack using land, naval or air forces, without the declaration of war, on the territory, vessels or aircraft of another State; 4. Naval blockade of the coasts or ports of another State; 5. Extending support to armed bands invading the territory of another State, refus ing the request of the invaded State, to deprive those bands of all assistance or protection.10 According to the International Criminal Court, three elements are required for the act of aggression. First, the wrongdoer must be a political or military leader. Second, the perpetrator must be involved in the planning, preparation, and execution of such act of aggression. Third, it must constitute the violation of the UN Charter.11 During the Cold War period from 1945-1990, aggression became more obscure, as the entire world was involved in the ideological rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union. Today, China&#8217;s involvement in South China Sea and East Chi na Sea is perceived as an act of aggression by the United States and its allies. In the Nepali context, Indian blockades on Nepal in 1989 and 2015 was seen as an act of aggression. Even in the age of economic interdependence, powerful coun tries have been using border blockade as an instrument of coercion, to impose their will on the relatively less powerful countries. In 2015 India imposed a blockade on 3\u00a0 Nepal for ignoring New Delhi&#8217;s concerns while promulgating its new constitution. India left no stone unturned to intervene in Nepal and finally penalized Nepal with a harsh blockade, which brought a humanitarian crisis in Nepal.12 The blockade vio lated not only international laws and conventions including the Transit and Trade of Landlocked States of 1965 (which permits land-locked nations like Nepal to import goods from other countries without any obstacles), the Law of the Seas 1973 to which both Nepal and India are signatories and which permits landlocked countries like Nepal an unobstructed access to sea, but also the World Trade Organization (WTO) (Nepal and India as members of the World Trade Organization are entitled to promote free trade with each other). In 1989, too, when the transit treaty between the two countries expired, India had imposed a blockade on Nepal. All this apart, the blockade violated number of other agreements: the bilateral trade treaty signed with India to get access to the sea via Indian territory; the Asian Highway Agreement, to which both countries are parties to connect their highways for regional trade and development; and SAFTA agreement (South Asian countries have adopted South Asian Free Trade Area-SAFTA- to promote trade and commer cial activities). SAFTA law, in fact, does not allow any country to obstruct the import and exports of goods. The blockade, moreover weakened the spirit of regionalism and sub-regionalism embodied in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Eco nomic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), of which Nepal and India are members and which guarantee free trade among the member countries.13<\/p><h1>Act of Coercion<\/h1><p>When a government issues threats of force and imposes intimidatory pressure on others, it is perceived as an act of coercion. Coercion has a preeminent position in the Realist approach to the international relations. It may be also applied in the domestic politics, as argued by Thomas Hobbes in &#8220;Leviathan,&#8221; where state is portrayed as the &#8220;mortal god&#8221; and whose coercive capabilities generates and install awe and obedience among the citizens, eventually resulting in peace and security.14 The element of coercive diplomacy is also discovered in Chinese strategist Sun Tzu&#8217;s works when he says the art of war is to win the war without fighting.15 This form of diplomacy provides an alternative to a state&#8217;s dependence on military actions.16 A state may use coercion through economic sanctions, including embargo and blockade, or take initiatives to isolate its adversary by expelling it from international and region al organizations. Coercive diplomacy does not employ force as conventional military strategy does, but as a political-diplomatic strategy that uses communication, signaling, and bargaining to get the adversary comply with one&#8217;s interest. Thus, coercive diploma cy is more flexible and psychological than the conventional military strategy.17\u00a0 Coercion is a defensive strategy distinguishable from deterrence, which uses threats to dissuade an opponent from undertaking an action incompatible to one&#8217;s interest. Coercive diplomacy is aimed at thwarting at action already undertaken. Generally, it is believed that it includes the compellence, a strategy to thwart an adversary&#8217;s action already undertaken. However, unlike compellence, which relies on military threats, coercive diplomacy encompasses inducements, involving threats and assurances, to variously influence the actions of the adversary, which is popularly known as &#8220;carrot and stick diplomacy&#8221;.18 The same variant of the diplomacy was exercised by John F. Kennedy during the Cuban Missiles Crisis, to prevent the soviet invasion of Cuba and induce Khrushchev to remove the missiles.19 The First Gulf War is another example. Following Iraq&#8217;s invasion of Kuwait in 1990, the U.S. asked Saddam Hussein to back off, and together with the United Nations imposed multilateral sanctions and economic embargo. U.S. President Bush threatened to use force against Iraq. U.N Resolution 678 called on Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait.20 Because of Saddam&#8217;s refusal to comply, Iraqi forces had to retreat only after being defeated in 1991. As a result, coercive diplomacy had to give up to ground military campaign. India has reportedly exercised its coercive diplomacy in dealing with its immedi ate neighbor Nepal. From 1969 to 2015, India imposed three economic blockades on Nepal. With the expiry of Trade and Transit Treaty, the Indian government imposed quantitative restrictions on cross-border transactions in 1969. The expiry of the trea ty was only the manifested reason. The hidden factor was India&#8217;s dissatisfaction over the Araniko Highway linking Kathmandu with China. Even though the blockade (1969-1970) was for a short period, it impacted regular supply of cross-border goods. India&#8217;s blockade on Nepal in 1989 was the upshot of India&#8217;s displeasure over Nepal buying military equipment from China.21 The 15-months blockade created a short age of essential commodities.22 Nepal and India signed two treaties in 1978, one gov erning trade and other transit rights. When the treaties expired in 1983, they were renewed by Indira Gandhi&#8217;s government for another five years. On March 1, 1988, Nepal&#8217;s Ministry of Commerce received a letter from the Indian embassy mentioning that treaties on trade and transit would expire on March 23. After some delays, the treaty got two six-month extensions, but on March 23, 1989, India declared that both treaties had expired, and closed its border entry points with Nepal.23 In 2015, Modi government imposed another economic blockade for five months on Nepal for not paying heed to Indian directives while promulgating a new consti tution. The unofficial blockade provided an opportunity for Nepal to explore more trade routes with China, and diversify trade. Today, Nepal is granted direct land ac cess to China&#8217;s sea ports on the eastern seaboard in Tianjin, Shenzhen, Lianyungang, and Zhanjiang along with access to land ports in Lhasa, Lanzhou and Xigatse.24 In 2014, India imposed an artificial shortage of gas and oil on Bhutan just before the polls to influence the poll results. Pavan K. Varma, the then Indian ambassador to Bhutan was forced to resign citing his failure to prevent Bhutan in developing 5\u00a0 relations with China. India&#8217;s behavior towards the small states in its neighborhood bears the traits of a carrot-and-stick diplomacy under the Kautilyan framework of Saam (work done through peaceful negotiations), Daam (allurement), Danda (pun ishment), and Bhed (division) in a new-fangled way. Modi&#8217;s address to Nepal&#8217;s par liament in 2014 was a specimen of Saam. The credit offered during his first visit to Nepal and India&#8217;s aid and assistance during the 2015 earthquake exemplified Daam; blockade was a case of Danda, and its efforts to instigate divisions and rifts in the political parties was a case of Bhed.<\/p><h1>Act of War<\/h1><p>In simple words, act of war is an action by one country against another to provoke a war or an action that occurs during a declared war or armed conflict between military forces of any origin.25 Here, one nation intends to initiate or provoke a war with another na tion. It is an act considered as sufficient cause for war.26 Here, the act is not compatible with the state of peace, as it comes under the &#8216;Jus ad bellum,&#8217; which refers to the laws governing the resort to conflict. Before establishing international institutions in the 20th century, under the customary international law, states had the right to resort to war, if necessary. However, what restrain them now is the laws of warfare. Therefore, a distinction must be drawn between &#8216;Jus in bello,&#8217; the laws for the conduct of war, and &#8216;Jus ad bellum,&#8217; the laws governing the resort to conflict. At present, the United Nations Charter draws a clear distinction between the legal and illegal use of force, which means that force can be used only in self-defense.27 Photo Credit: International Committee of the Red Cross 6\u00a0 After the unification of Nepal, the quest for territorial expansion was deemed an act of war, by both the British East India Company and by China, notably, when Nepal attacked Tibet. Although Nepal&#8217;s founding father Prithvi Narayan Shah described his kingdom as a &#8220;yam between two boulders,&#8221; and in his Dibya Upadesh, recommended a defensive posture against China and the British, the Gorkha conquests were princi pally deigned to prevent the spread of colonialism in the Himalayas. More precisely, his unification campaign followed the pattern of state-building and expansion across Asia when new regional powers were emerging. In the south, East India Company had gained the control of Bengal in 1757 and in the north, China had completed the conquest of Sinkiang (Xinjiang) in 1759, just nine years after reinforcing its supervisory role in Tibet. Although Gorkha&#8217;s ultimate ambition was to conquer as far west as Kash mir, P.N. Shah was apprehensive not to incite the large powers beyond the hills. By ex ercising the policy of self-sufficiency, British attempts to establish trading relations and access to Tibet were rebuffed.28 However, under Bahadur Shah, Gorkha forces annexed the hill states of Gandaki and Karnali basins and Kumaon and Garhwal, which are at present the Indian state of Uttaranchal. The control of the Himalayas up to Kashmir would have been possibly achieved had not an aggressive policy toward Tibet over the terms of trade and control of the border passes incited a retaliatory Chinese assault on Nepal in 1792.29 Equating Nepal&#8217;s aggression on Tibet as an act of war (by crossing the border pass at Kerong in 1792) the Chinese forces marched down the Trisuli valley toward Nuwakot. The withdrawal of Chinese forces was made possible only after Ne pal agreed to surrender the gains negotiated with Tibet and send a five-yearly tribute missions to Beijing.30<\/p><h1>Adjudication<\/h1><p>A method of settling disputes by referring them to an established court,31 adjudi- cation involves the dispute&#8217;s referral to an impartial third-party tribunal &#8212; normally either an arbitral tribunal or an international court &#8212; for binding decision, usually based on international law.32 Adjudication should not be confused with arbitration. Under adjudication, an ad judicator applies international law to settle the dispute.33 Adjudication offers many benefits compared to other dispute settlement techniques as the process is principled and impartial and reinforces the value of international law. It usually minimizes the threat of problem by depoliticizing the issue and its ruling offers guidance to other states while tackling similar problems. Although an ideal method to settle disputes, it has some potential drawbacks like the risk of biased judgment, risk of losing, and sometimes unpredictable results. It is believed that the process of adjudication, at times, overlooks win-win solution, and may bring forced settlement by emphasizing on legal issues. Adjudication process stands very firm on existing laws and hardly considers the bottom-level legal flaws. 7\u00a0 Photo Credit: IStock Many experts claim that international adjudication represents rule of law and civi lized order in the international ground. A process that seems suitable in cases like minor border disputes with no serious national interest attached, it can also be used as a polit ically accepted strategy to buy time in the cases of serious dispute situations. In the present century, the establishment of the World Court indicates that the means for international adjudication now have become permanent. In 1920, the League of Nations established the Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ). From 1922 to 1940, the court made thirty-three judgments and gave twenty-seven advisory opinions. In 1945, as its successor, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) was established. As per Article 34 of the ICJ statue, only states may be party to the cases before the court, which means non-state actors including individuals cannot directly initiate lawsuit.34 As a result, the International Criminal Court (ICC) came into exis tence, intending to intervene, where the state is unable or unwilling to prosecute the perpetrators. Still, ICC should not be seen as a substitute for national courts. ICC is different from other courts because it is permanent and autonomous, unlike the ad hoc tribunals created for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. ICC is different also from the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations for dispute settlement between States. In the Nepali context, adjudication is often revoked whenever the cases of bor der encroachment are reported, particularly to evacuate the Indian military forces in Kalapani of Nepal. Owing to the reciprocity existing between the two countries, the military option is unconceivable. Nevertheless, there has been no settlement of the disputes at the diplomatic level and voices are heard for a judicial settlement of the dispute through the International Court of Justice. After the Indian government pub lished a political map in 2019 showing Nepali territory in the far northwest-including Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura-within Indian borders, opinions on dispute 8\u00a0 settlement through adjudication were aired. Nepal&#8217;s claim over Limpiyadhura as the (Maha) Kali River source is based on the 1816 Sugauli Treaty and, by implication, the 1992 Mahakali Treaty.35 According to Article 5, the Mahakali River (referred to as Kali in the treaty), including both its banks, belongs to Nepal. In 1992, Nepal and India rec ognized the Mahakali River as a &#8216;common river&#8217; under the Mahakali agreement, giving the western bank to India.36 The International Court of Justice practice suggests that valid boundary treaties are the basis for the settlement of disputes. A valid boundary treaty already exists, and it is acknowledged by both India and Nepal.37 In May 2020, voices were again heard for a judicial settlement of the dispute over Lipu-lekh, which territorially belongs to Nepal. When India unilaterally announced its new route to Mansarovar through Nepal&#8217;s Lipulekh, demands went up in Nepal for legal process over the diplomatic process. But Nepal cannot afford to compromise its bilateral relations by taking the issue to the international courts. India&#8217;s announcement of the route to Kailash Mansarovar pilgrimage via Lipulekh pass resulted from a collaboration between India and China. In 2015, when Nepal was utterly engaged in post-earthquake relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction, India and China, without Nepal&#8217;s consent, decided to use Lipulekh as a trading point. The quid pro quo agreement between India and China raised questions over the two neigh bors&#8217; intention. The Chinese President Xi Jinping and the Indian President Narendra Modi were reported to have agreed on Lipulekh corridor without Nepal&#8217;s consent. The 41-point agreement signed on 15 May 2015 between China and India called for &#8220;en hancing border area cooperation through trade, pilgrimage &#8230; and expansion of border trade at Nathu La and Qiangla\/Lipu-Lekh Pass and Shipka La&#8221;. Engaged in post-quake reconstruction activities and constitution promulgation, Nepal government constituted a committee to investigate the matter when it was informally assured by India and Chi na that the matter would be resolved through mutual consultation and understanding. For that purpose, Nepal proposed dates for holding the meeting of the foreign secretaries of the two countries. But, no diplomatic endeavors, so far, have yielded any results. Thus, voices are often heard in Nepal to settle the disputes through the In ternational Court of Justice which will call for the boundary treaties, along with the historical documents. Notably, such treaties exist and are accepted by both India and Nepal. For instance, according to the Sugauli Treaty of 1816 and Mahakali Treaty of 1992, Nepal&#8217;s territory lies up to Limpiyadhura, the source of the (Maha) Kali River. Even though international law provides a first line of defense for small countries like Nepal, bilateral relations with a powerful country become an impediment because in ternational laws and conventions are often violated to serve the interests of the powerful states. In an adverse situation, where a country&#8217;s territorial integrity is affected, no small power can resort to force, and when diplomatic attempts fail to settle the dispute, small powers have to opt for adjudication, which is usually costly due to the limited financial and human resources available to the small states. 9<\/p><h1>Administered Territory<\/h1><p>Administered territory is a kind of mandate system established, as mentioned in the Article XXII of the Covenant of the League of Nations, proposed in 1919 by G. L. Beer, a member of Woodrow Wilson&#8217;s staff at Paris in 1919. It involved the control and administration over Germany&#8217;s former colonial possessions in Africa and the Pa cific, in the Near and Middle East. The control and administration of these territories was given to the &#8216;responsible&#8217; states in &#8216;sacred trust&#8217; to the League. For example, the administration of South West Africa (today&#8217;s Namibia, and one of Germany&#8217;s colo nial possessions) was given over to South Africa by a mandate in 1920. The objective of the administrated territory system was to escape the tradition al imperial relationship. Control and administration over the formal colonies did not mean control and administration of sovereignty, however. More precisely, the system negotiated between the seizure of these territories and direct international adminis tration, struggled between the old realist and the new idealist approaches,38 as the ad ministrated territory system was aimed to nurture and develop territories &#8220;which are inhabited by people not yet able to &#8216;stand by themselves&#8217; under the strenuous condi tions of the modern world.39 &#8220;Questions may be raised on what one means by &#8216;stand by themselves,&#8221; which is relatively closer to the idea of self-determination. It means the mandatory state will have the administrative authority until these territories and their populations can achieve self-rule, and attain full-fledged legal status. According to Arti cle XXII of the Covenant of the League of Nations, &#8220;the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who, because of their resources, their experience, or their geographical position, can best undertake this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it, and [ &#8230; ] they should exercise this tutelage as Mandatories on behalf of the League [ &#8230; ] A permanent Commission shall be constituted to receive and examine the annual reports of the Mandatories and to advise the Council on all matters relating to the observance of the mandates&#8221;.40 With the establishment of the United Nations (UN), and particularly under the Chapter XII of its Charter, the UN established the International Trusteeship System to supervise Trust Territories.41 Under Article 77 of the Charter, the International Trustee ship System applied to the territories held under mandates established by the League of Nations after the First World War, territories isolated from &#8220;enemy States&#8221; as a result of the Second World War, and the territories voluntarily positioned under the System by States responsible for their administration.42 Most former territories, including Leba non, Israel, Jordan, Iraq, Syria, and Namibia, have now achieved independence. On 1st November, 1994, the Trusteeship Council, as one of the principal organs of the United Nations, also suspended its operations after the independence of Palau, the last among the United Nations trust territories.43 10<\/p><h1>Afghan Crisis<\/h1><p>The Taliban, who were deposed by the US troops twenty years ago, have reclaimed control following the withdrawal of US troops in 2021, and eventually causing a cri sis in Afghanistan.44 Concerns about Taliban&#8217;s ascent to power have had consequences in Afghanistan, including harsh rule, a failure to deliver basic services, and violations of human rights, but the problem has also spread to other areas of the world.45 Even though the entire world, today, supports liberal democracy and endorses political and civil rights, the crisis in Afghanistan has once again encouraged fundamentalism, con servatism, and theocracy through the implementation of Sharia Law.46 The interest of the major power countries in Afghanistan, on the other hand, have had perceptible ramifications on the countries and regions around the world.47 Because of the problem caused by the establishment of the Taliban regime in Afghani stan, various interests of the major powers, generally driven by resources, security, and ideology, have begun to collide and will continue to clash in the future.48 In exchange for Chinese recognition of the Taliban and economic help to Afghanistan, Beijing has sought assurance from the Taliban to maintain their border territories in the Wakhan corridor free of Islamist support for separatist Uighurs in Xinjiang province of Chi na.49 Communist leaders in Beijing have already announced that China is prepared to promote &#8220;friendly ties&#8221; with the &#8220;new&#8221; Taliban regime.50 Russia, on the other hand, is waiting to see &#8220;how the regime will behave&#8221;.51 Moreover, the rise of the Taliban poses 20513 a grave policy challenge to the US administration.52 Threats postured by the terrorist groups including al-Qaeda, which are still associated with the Taliban, is a serious con cern for the US administration.53 HIMALAY Nepal Ainioes Humanitarian Hight to Kabul January 16, 2022 Photo Credit: Saroj Adhikari (Setopati) 11\u00a0 . -city schybrid virtual and in-person Your Mind September 2021.54 The SCO The Shanghai Cooperation Q EluTajikistand Soche ScrySciences prip\u0142o heads-of-state summit in DusKanbe, summit adopted the Dushanbe DecfafatibRejawhich included section 3.1 on Afghan istan and regional security, in which metfiber states reaffirmed their support for the emergence of Afghanistan as an independent, neutral, united, democratic, and peace ful state free of terrorism, war, and drugs, and stressed the importance of having an inclusive government in Afghanistan, with representatives from all ethnic, religious, and political groups.55 Additionally, the Taliban&#8217;s takeover of Afghanistan has reignited fears of terrorism and domestic upheaval in South Asian countries. The Afghan issue has mostly impacted the South Asian region, particularly Pakistan and India.56 Pakistan has been accused of hedging its stance on Afghanistan and the Taliban. Similarly, India has backed Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and views Taliban as a Pakistan&#8217;s proxy. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has suffered a blow, and the eight-nation organization may be stuck for the time being over whether to accept Taliban control or not.57 The major causes for SAARC&#8217;s stalemate include tensions between India and Pakistan, the Afghan dilemma, and China&#8217;s rising influence in the area in this matter. It is evident that major powers have a vital role to play. However, in order to break the ice for a solid action plan and dialogue, Nepal, as the current Chair of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and a dialogue partner of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), has an important role to play in achieving a collective and long-term peace in Afghanistan.58 As a member of SAARC and the SCO, Nepal can take specific collective action in this regard. The peace in Afghanistan is critical for all the neighboring countries, and this might be a turning point for India and Pakistan to work together. As the current chair of SAARC, Nepal can convene a digital or physical meeting of all SAARC leaders to address the future scenario and resolution of the problem.59 Nepal could convene such a summit or dialogue, as well as devise an action plan, to bring the South Asian governments together to peacefully settle the situation. 60 Nepal was successful to evacuate all the Nepalese stranded in Af ghanistan diplomatically.61 Nepal is also a home to 53 Afghan asylum seekers according to the UNHCR.62 As an act of humanitarian support, Nepal dispatched 14 tons of different products, including medications, clothes, cooking utensils, and other supplies, to the people of Afghanistan, as suggested by the United Nations on 16 January 2022.63 Furthermore, major power countries including India, Pakistan, China, and Russia are variously concerned by the Afghan problem and could play an instrumental important role in not letting the crisis further escalate. In the same manner, Afghanistan&#8217;s central Asian neighbors, including Uzbekistan and Tajikistan are already riled by the violence in the vicinity. But, owing to the presence of all the Afghanistan&#8217;s neighbors in the SCO, the trans-continental pact has the capability to resolve the crisis through collec tive approach. Although member countries have a say in decision-making, Nepal, as a SCO dialogue partner, could urge for cooperation and collaboration in the pursuit of a peaceful settlement in Afghanistan, which is one of the organization&#8217;s observer states. 12<\/p><h1>African Union<\/h1><p>The African Union (AU) is a regional organi- zation in Africa, which includes 55 member states. Established officially in 2002, its prede cessor was the Organization for African Unity (OAU), which was established in 1963 at Addis Ababa of Ethiopia, under the participation of 32 Heads of independent African States. The charter that constituted OAU was the result of the series of international African conferences from 1950s to 1960s. OAU aimed to promote African states&#8217; unity and solidarity by eliminat ing all kinds of colonialism from Africa. As a post-independence continental union, OAU upheld the principle of equal ity of members, respect for territorial integrity, non-interference, peaceful settlement of disputes, and commitment to uplift African region. OAU was equipped with the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, the Council of Ministers, the General Secretariat and the Commission of Mediation, and Conciliation and Arbitration, as its four organs. It was only in 1999 that the Assembly of Heads of State and (5043) Government issued the Sirte Declaration in Libya, to establish African Union, to accelerate the process of integration in the continent, while concomitantly address ing the social, economic, and political problems triggered by the negative impact of globalization.64 In 2000, the Constitutive Act of the African Union (CAAU) was adopted at the OAU summit in Lome, Togo. Finally, African Union officially came into existence on July 9, 2002, during a three-day summit of the African heads of state in Durban, South Africa. The African Union is guided by its vision of &#8220;An Integrated, Prosperous and Peaceful Africa, driven by its citizens and representing a dynamic force in the global arena.&#8221; 65 The Constitutive Act of the African Union, and the Protocol on Amend ments to the Constitutive Act of the African Union aim at achieving greater unity and solidarity among African countries defending the sovereignty, territorial integri ty, and independence of its member states; accelerating the socio-economic integra tion of the continent by promoting peace, security, stability, democratic principles, good governance, and sustainable development in the continent. According to Constitutive Act of the African Union (CAAU), structurally, the African Union has several organs to execute the planned activities. The Assembly, composed of the Heads of State or Government, is the supreme decision-making or gan. It decides by consensus and by a two-thirds majority. The Assembly instructs the Executive Council on conflict management and for the restoration of peace. Com posed of the ministers of member states, the Executive Council decides on foreign trade and social security. 13\u00a0 As a platform for all the African states, the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) is an other AU organ, which aims to bring people from all African states in the deci sion-making process. The Parliament sits in Midrand, South Africa. The members are not elected directly by the people. Instead, PAP members are designated by the legislatures of their Member State. 66 Located at Addis Ababa in Ethiopia, the African Union Commission (AUC) is another organ, which functions as the AU&#8217;s secretariat, which undertakes the regional organization&#8217;s day-to-day activities. As a continental court established by African countries, the African Court on Human and Peoples&#8217; Rights aims to protect human and peoples&#8217; rights in Africa. Likewise, the Peace and Security Council (PSC) intends to promote peace, security, and stability in the region by preventing, managing, and resolving conflicts by expediting timely and efficient responses to conflict and crises in Africa.67 The AU had the authority to intervene militarily in national conflict in Africa, only after the announcement of a security pact in 2004, which empowers African Union to establish a standby force, by draw ing soldiers from member countries, for the prevention of conflicts, and intervene in war crimes and genocides. The AU gained the power to intervene militarily in national conflicts in Africa after a security pact won most of the body&#8217;s members in January 2004. The pact es tablished a Peace and Security Council (PSC), seen as a crucial step toward boosting the AU&#8217;s relevance in tackling wars hampering economic growth across Africa. Under the pact, the AU can set up an African Standby Force (ASF) drawn from member countries and use it to prevent conflicts, restore peace or intervene to stop war crimes.<\/p><h1>Agent-Structure Debate<\/h1><p>The agent-structure debate in international relations helps to theorize the relation- ship between state as an actor, and the international system. The agent-structure problem in international relations was introduced by Alexander Wendt, by importing it from Social Theory. For Wendt, the agent-structure debate has its origin in two tru isms: 1) human beings and their organizations are purposeful actors, whose actions help reproduce or transform the society in which they live; and 2) society is made up of social relationships, which structure the interactions between these purposeful actors.68 This implies that human agents and social structure are inter-reliant and mutually reinforcing entities. Now, the question is how an agency relates to structure and vice versa, and how to integrate them in a single explanation of international behavior.69 Explanation of social behavior is also conditioned by the properties of agents and social structures. It is thus best to draw upon Neo-realism and World System Theory to understand the agent-structure debate best, as both the approaches study powers, analyze interests, examine polarity and probe into the relations of unequal exchange to explain the state behavior.70 14\u00a0 1 Kenneth Waltz, in his famous work, Theory of International Politics, argues that i &#8216;structure&#8217; of the international system, which is &#8216;anarchic,&#8217; limits cooperation between rs states. As a result, conflict, war, arm race, and security dilemma are shaped. Thus, it the is the structure which conditions state behavior. n Notably, agents can be individual statesmen or state characters, who are always t, secondary to the international system, which can be unipolar, bi-polar, or multipo to the lar. Nepal, situated between India and China, cannot remain unaffected by events S&#8217; worldwide which often heavily influence its domestic and foreign policies. Nepal&#8217;s d foreign policy is extensively shaped by its external environment, which is dynamic n yet uncertain. The unending adjustment to a swiftly changing world is thus one Lt critical challenge to Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy.71 Nepal has been adapting to the changing and world environment, right since the days of P.N. Shah, the founder of unified Nepal, and who identified his country as a &#8220;yam between two boulders&#8221; in his Dibya Upadesh. His defensive stance against China and British India, was intended to thwart the spread of colonialism in the Himalayas. His unification campaign also promoted state-building, which was already taking place across Asia. For British colonizers, however, Nepal remained a buffer between British India and China. Today, Nepal is being identified as a probable &#8216;bridge&#8217; between India and China. The &#8216;bridge&#8217; dis course illustrates Nepal&#8217;s desire to landlink India and China, whose materialization is, however, dependent on the willingness of the India and China to expand their development actives in the bordering areas adjoined with Nepal. Strategizing Nepal&#8217;s geography is not a new endeavor. In 1973, late king Birendra stated &#8220;Nepal is not a part of the Indian subcontinent; it is that part of Asia which touches both China and India,&#8221; redefining the geostrategic position of Nepal to tap the geopolitical opportunities.72 Chinese President Xi Jinping, during his visit to Ne pal in October 2019, assured that Nepal could transform itself from a &#8216;landlocked&#8217; to a &#8216;land-linked&#8217; country by developing Trans-Himalayan Multi-Dimensional Con nectivity Network.73 The conflicts between India and China against the backdrop of emerging new world order, compounded by new challenge to globalization, has triggered newer security challenges. Historically, it was not difficult for Nepal to adjust to the global power equilib rium. Until 1950, Nepal adopted an isolationist approach, with little engagement with the external world preferring not to be entangled with foreign powers unless its sovereignty and independence were at risk. Even during the Cold War period, Nepal adhered to the policy of non-alignment, albeit both the superpowers tried their best to woo Nepal over to their side.74 Today, equipped with the policies of non-alignment and equi-distance, Nepal must adjust to the global power politics, in the context of China&#8217;s strategic rivalry with the United States. 15<\/p><h1>Aid<\/h1><p>It is the voluntarily transfer of capital, goods, and services from a country or inter- national organization to a receiving state. Aid usually covers both grants and loans and is dispensed at the bilateral, multilateral, government, and personal levels. Aid excludes commercial transactions and may be given without conditionality, or may come with some strings attached. Whereas economic aid is allocated to resolve the balance of payment problems, developmental aid to alleviate poverty, and military aid to allies to protect them, humanitarian aid is doled out during the times of crises triggered by natural disaster and pandemics. Today, the concept of development aid is distorted because the aid is being used largely to fulfill one&#8217;s strategic and political benefits. Since the Second World War more than half the amount of money that US has doled out has been in the form of security-assistance or military aid. Extending support to armed forces in many poorer states and encouraging the military to play an active political role has undermined democracy and economic development.75 When we talk about the significant developments in the history of foreign aid, Marshall Plan tops the list, which the United States gave to reconstruct war-torn Eu rope after the Second World War. During the Cold War period, aid from both the su perpowers-the United States and Soviet Union was driven more by ideological and strategic interests. State-to-state aid program reached its zenith in the early 1960s. Multilateral institutions, including World Bank and the IMF, started offering aid to underdeveloped and developing countries. Even today, these multilateral institutions are criticized, in the same way as they are acclaimed for their activities, for imposing CHINA AID Photo Credit: Xinhua 16\u00a0 conditionality while doling out aids to the Third World countries. Former colonies take no time to argue that it is the prosperous state&#8217;s moral obligation to assist the developing countries through aid programs because the industrial wealth of the col onizers was created with Third World resources.76 Aid budgets declined throughout the 1990s, instead of increasing due to the peace dividend as expected. Notably, there were two significant changes, however. First, the disappearance of Eastern Europe as aid donors, but their reemergence as recipients. Second, donors started showing concerns about governance.77 Nepal is one of the highest foreign aid receiving countries. In 1951, Nepal had 276 kilometers of motorable roads, 6.2 thousand hectares of irrigated land, 1.1 MW of electricity, two hospitals, just 300 schools, and 25 telephone line. Fifty years later, the road network had reached 15,308 km, irrigation capacity 716 thousand hectares, and electricity generation rose to 368 MW, the number of hospitals increased to 83, schools to 38,500, and telephone lines up to255,800.78 Much of this achievement was possible through foreign aid.79 The amount involved was very modest at the start, a mere US$ 2000. The United States provided it to the Rana government in January 1951, just a month before the regime collapsed. The reason for providing aid was strategic, however. With the Chinese control of Tibet, Nepal had become a frontline state against communism, and aid was issued as part of the President Truman&#8217;s Four Point Agreement. Since then, the size of foreign aid to Nepal has grown. But in the 1950s and 1960s, assistance was doled out primarily in form of grants; later, the proportion of grants decreased and loans went up. Nepal&#8217;s first foreign loan in 1964 comprised just 10 percent of the total foreign aid, a proportion which began to rise steeply during the 1970s. In 1984, loans constituted 35 percent of total foreign aid and in 1990, it was 75 percent. From mid-1990s onward, because of INGOs&#8217; more extensive involvement, the proportion of loans declined as many of them arrived through grants.80 In the 1950s, Nepal received aid only from the United States and India. It was only in 1960s that the UK, Switzerland, China, and the United Nations came in. In the 1970s, West Germany, Japan and the Soviet Union also provided aid. During the 1980s, India remained dominant, followed by the United Kingdom, China, and the United States. In the same decade, multilateral agencies started providing aid. In the 1990s, Japan was the largest provider of aid. In the same decade, small Eu ropean countries, including Denmark, the Netherlands, Finland, and Norway also came forward as new sources of foreign aid, while multilateral bodies including Asian Development Bank and World Bank increased their lending significantly.81 Although Nepal&#8217;s immediate neighbors, India and China were not economically better off than Nepal till the 1980s, they were still offering aid because of their strategic and security concerns. Indian foreign aid to Nepal was shaped fundamentally by its security con cerns vis-\u00e0-vis China and concurrently to counterbalance the US&#8217;s increasing influ ence in its traditional sphere of influence. Aid from China, too, was strategic. Partly 17\u00a0 it is given for supporting its position on Tibet and exhibiting neutrality during the 1962 Sino-Indian border war. During the Cold War, the strategic objective of the aid from the US was anti-communism.82 Even in today&#8217;s multipolar world, foreign aid has a strategic value because development is blocked and poverty is not alleviated. Aid, thus tends to push an aid-driven country into a state of perennial dependence.83<\/p><h1>Air Power<\/h1><p>Air power is a powerful supplement to the older forms of military and naval force.84 Although human-crewed air crafts were used in the World War I for surveillance, interception, and bomb ing, it received eminence only during the inter-war period, when prominent strategists including Giulo Douhet and William Mitchell argued for the prima cy of air power in future warfare.85 As Photo Credit: Shutter Stock Douhet said, aircraft was &#8220;the offensive weapon par excellence&#8221;. The same idea was later expressed in 1932 by British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin, when he warned the &#8220;man in the street&#8217; that there was &#8220;no power on earth that can protect him from being bombed. Whatever people may tell him, the bomber will always get through&#8221;. In 1937, Commander of the Royal Air Force Fighter Command, Air Chief Marshall Hugh Dowding, stated that &#8220;bombing attacks on London would cause such panic that defeat could occur in a fortnight or less&#8221;.86 Similarly, Trenchard wrote in 1928 that the goal of air power is to &#8220;paralyze from the very outset the enemy&#8217;s production centers of munitions of war of every sort and to stop all communications and transportation&#8221;.87 As a form of military capability of using aircraft and artilleries, airpower has changed the face of warfare. Unlike warfare in land and around the sea, airpower pro vides easy access to any part of the globe as airpower utilities have inbuilt features of speed, flexibility, targeting and mobility. Douhet, therefore, reasoned that &#8220;command of the air&#8221; should be sought in the coming wars and could be achieved by offensive bombing of enemy targets from the outset. According to him, civilian morale would be quickly destroyed by such strategy. However, contrary to his assumptions, strategic bombing in World War II was seen to be highly inaccurate, and relatively costlier and controversial too. However, the introduction of nuclear weapons and ballistic missile has justified Douhet and the cult of offensive. 88 Some examples of using air power are 1940-41 Blitz in London, the 1945 Allied bombing of the German city of Dresden and in the modern times, Israel&#8217;s air attacks 18\u00a0 on Hezbollah in July 2006 and Hamas in December 2008, 1991 Gulf War (to expel Iraq from Kuwait) and the 1999 US-led NATO bombing of Kosovo (to expel Serb forces).89 Air power was also used in Vietnam and Korean Wars. Some also refer to the 1991 Gulf War as the &#8216;1991 Bombing of Iraq&#8217;. Air power dominated the Gulf War&#8217;s media images. Video footage of precision-guided munitions hitting their tar gets with pinpoint accuracy remains embedded in popular memory&#8221;90 Here, Douhet appears relevant. For Douhet, the &#8216;command of the air&#8217; is possible when enemy is prevented from flying and retaining the ability to fly oneself. This would be achieved by aggressively bombarding the enemy&#8217;s bases and factories. It is something like &#8216;de stroying the eggs in their nest,&#8217; a tactic that favored attacking as soon as possible, even before the enemy force is already on its way.91<\/p><h1>Alliance System<\/h1><p>The term &#8216;alliance&#8217; occupies an important place in international relations and foreign affairs. Usually formed between two or more countries to counter their common ad versary or respond to perceived threat, alliance building helps to ensure security, and survival of nation amid an anarchical international system. While allying, states may either balance (ally in opposition to the principal source of danger) or bandwagon (ally with the state that poses the primary threat).92 In the ancient times, the Middle Age and during Bismarck&#8217;s or Napoleon&#8217;s times, one can notice examples of states forming alliances.93 As George Liska puts it, &#8220;it is impossible to speak of international relations without referring to alliances; the two often merge in all but name.&#8221; 94 Scholars including Hans Morgenthau believe that both weak and robust nations strive for alliance building under their terms. Usually, the weak nation joins the alliance, when it needs protection from strong states, and chooses alliance building as a self-defense mechanism. Photo Credit: Clarence Comyn Taylor, British Library 19\u00a0 On the contrary, strong nations seek alliance when they need to counter the ris ing or great powers geopolitically, economically, or diplomatically, which maintains the balance of power. In both cases, allied nations expect military and diplomatic assistance from other allies. However, sometimes, it can be risky to build alliance, as it triggers the chances of counter-alliance formation, which eventually can induce nations to develop a sense of rivalry against each other. Alliance can either be formal or informal, depending on the nature of agreement between allied states. To put it very simply, a formal alliance is publicly revealed after signing a treaty in which the signatory states agree to consider any kind of attack on one of the states will be taken as an attack to all of them. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and Five Power Defense Arrangements (FPDA) are examples of formal security alliances. Informal alliances in this regard are less stable, and not very reliable as they are de termined by the context such as joint military exercises, pledge of assistance during security crises, and sometimes a secret agreement between the leaders of the state. Prominent IR scholars consider alliance as the process, or the byproduct of insti tutional practices. Others discuss it under the rubric of international organizations. Still, others consider alliances as statecraft techniques while most conceive of alliance as the regulating mechanism of a balance of power system. Morgenthau&#8217;s proposi tion that alliance is a process for manipulating equilibrium is juxtaposed to Potter&#8217;s statement that alliance is the &#8220;simplest form of international union approaching the forms of international government&#8221;. To Potter, an alliance may be the desired end of policy. However, Morgenthau conceives it as a disruption against existing equilibri um.95 From the Realist perspective, alliances offer a strategic advantage against the potential adversaries. However, Liberal internationalists since the time of Immanuel Kant claim that alliances are a source of conflict between states. Alliances don&#8217;t need to be formed among peace-loving countries. Alliances can also promote aggression. The alliance between Germany, Italy, and Japan during the Second World War was an apt example.96 In the Nepali context, the concept of alliance building can be traced back to the pre-unification period. While Prithvi Narayan Shah was leading the unification campaign, the entire Indian subcontinent was in turmoil. Notably, at the time, when PN Shah became King of Gorkha, in 1743, the Mughal Empire was facing disinte gration. However, the British in Bengal, Haidar Ali in the South, and Marathas in the West were trying to expand their territories.97 During the pre-unification period, no formal military alliances existed among the Baise states (the 22 principalities in the Karnali basin), and there was no interference from them during the unification cam paign.98 However, a kind of balance of power system had existed among the Chaubisi states (the 24 principalities in the Gandaki basin) to maintain an equilibrium. Con ceiving the threat from the expanding Gorkha, these 24 principalities formed a kind of security alliance against the campaign of PN Shah. The significant ones among 20\u00a0 them were Palpa Alliance (that included Palpa, Jajarkot, Ghiring, Rising, Gulmi, Argha, and Khanchi); Lamjung Alliance (which consisted of Lamjung, Tanhun, and Kaski); Malebum (Parbat) Alliance (which comprised Parbat and Galkot); Bhirkot Alliance (which included Bhirkot, Nuwakot (west), Paiyun, and Garahun); Pyuthan Allaince (which consisted of Piuthan, Isma, Musikot, Khungri, and Bhingri).99 To combat the threat from Gorkha, the Malla kings of Kathmandu valley, and the Sen Kingdom looked for support from Mir Qasim, the Nawab of Bengal, and the British East India Company. Prithvi Narayan Shah, too, entered an informal alliance with Lamjung, Tanahun and Palpa to defeat Nuwakot. To struggle against Prithvi Narayan Shah-led campaign, the King of Kathmandu, Jaya Prakash Malla relied on soldiers from the Tarai. Although help from India was provided in 1763 by Mir Qasim, it couldn&#8217;t prevent Prithvi Narayan Shah&#8217;s conquest of Makwanpur. Alarmed at the disruption to their trade with the Kathmandu valley, the British East India Company intervened in 1767. But all such attempts were quickly thwart ed by the Gorkhalis.100 Without any military support from Mughal or other external sources, P.N. Shah relied on his own region&#8217;s resources, which puts him aside from rulers such as Martanda Varma, the first king of united Travancore (today&#8217;s Kerala). P.N Shah applied modern military technology to local conflicts, obtaining firearms from a journey to Banaras.101 Today, Nepal adheres to non-alignment. But, until 1948, when Nepal dispatched its troops to deal with Hyderabad question, it had an allied history. Nepal&#8217;s involvement in suppressing Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 also indicates Nepal&#8217;s alliance with British East India Company in whose support Nepal effectively fought World War I and World War II.<\/p><h1>Ambassador<\/h1><p>The ambassador, for many, is the personification of international relations between states; a visible symbol of foreign relations, as he serves in the frontline, in foreign cap itals.102 More precisely, he is a diplomatic agent of the highest rank, or in other words, the head of a diplomatic mission to a foreign state. 103 Even though sending a diplomatic representative is generally associated with the development of state-system in the west, references to the process of sending diplomatic representatives can be found in ancient China and India as well. Kautilya&#8217;s Arthashastra explains such diplomatic practices and statecraft in ancient India. However, there is no evidence of an ambassadorial system involving permanent embassies, missions or legations in these ancient state-systems. Instead, in the ancient world, the usual practice was to use envoys or temporary pleni potentiaries. Only during the 14th and 15th centuries, the modern practice of sending resident ambassadors appeared in Venice and Milan&#8217;s European cities.104 21\u00a0 The functions of a resident ambassador have been listed out in Article 3 of 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, as: 1. Representing the sending State in the receiving State; 2. Protecting in the receiving State the interests of the sending State and of its na tionals, within the limits permitted by international law; 3. Negotiating with the Government of the receiving State; 4. Ascertaining by all lawful means conditions and developments in the receiving State, and reporting thereon to the Government of the sending State; 5. Promoting friendly relations between the sending State and the receiving State, and developing their economic, cultural, and scientific relations. A resident ambassador also enjoys certain diplomatic privileges and diplomatic immunity which is inseparable from residency, albeit there have been few cases of its violation. In 1979, the staff of the American Embassy were held hostage in Tehran by the government forces, which was a clear violation of diplomatic immunity. Diplomatic immunity refers to exemption from domestic jurisdiction of the receiving state. But diplomatic immunities and privileges are granted not to a particular person, but to the states or organizations on whose behalf they act.105 The diplomatic immunities men tioned in 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations are: Article 22 The premises of the mission shall be inviolable. The receiving State agents may not enter them, except with the consent of the head of the mission. Article 23 The sending State and the head of the mission shall be exempt from all national, re gional or municipal dues and taxes in respect of the premises of the mission, whether owned or leased, other than such as represent payment for specific services rendered. Article 24 The archives and documents of the mission shall be inviolable at any time and wher ever they may be. Article 25 The receiving State shall accord full facilities for the performance of the functions of the mission. Article 27 1. The receiving State shall permit and protect accessible communication on the part of the mission for all official purposes. 2. The official correspondence of the mission shall be inviolable. Official correspon 22\u00a0 dence means all correspondence relating to the mission and its functions. 3. The diplomatic bag shall not be opened or detained. Article 28 The fees and charges levied by the mission in the course of its official duties shall be exempt from all dues and taxes. Article 29 The person of a diplomatic agent shall be inviolable. He shall not be liable to any form of arrest or detention. The receiving State shall treat him with due respect and shall take all appropriate steps to prevent any attack on his person, freedom, or dig nity Article 30 The private residence of a diplomatic agent shall enjoy the same inviolability and protection as the premises of the mission. Article 31 1. A diplomatic agent shall enjoy immunity from the criminal jurisdiction of the receiving State. He shall also enjoy immunity from its civil and administrative jurisdiction, except in the case of: a. A real action relating to private immovable property situated in the territory of the receiving State, unless he holds it on behalf of the sending State for the pur poses of the mission; b. An action relating to succession in which the diplomatic agent is involved as ex ecutor, administrator, heir or legatee as a private person and not on behalf of the sending State; c. An action relating to any professional or commercial activity exercised by the diplomatic agent in the receiving State outside his official functions. 2. A diplomatic agent is not obliged to give evidence as a witness. 3. The immunity of a diplomatic agent from the jurisdiction of the receiving State does not exempt him from the jurisdiction of the sending State. A classical bilateral ambassador represents one country in another, while high com missioners are ambassadors exchanged between countries that belong to the Common wealth, the cluster of 54 countries with historical connections with the UK. Concur rently accredited ambassadors are bilateral envoys who reside in one foreign capital, but additionally represent their country in another country, Multilateral ambassadors are heads of the mission to the United Nations and other agencies, who are also given the title of &#8216;permanent representative&#8217;. Non-resident ambassadors live in the sending country capital covering one or more countries from there. The ambassador-at large is a 23\u00a0 delegation used by few countries, including the United States, delegating a public figure or official with a particular function, like assisting in the Middle East dialogue. Other countries use the term &#8216;Roving Ambassador&#8217;, often entrusting them with diplomatic tasks to resolve a problem. In the Nepali context, the founder of modern Nepal, P.N. Shah was the first king to execute diplomacy systematically by appointing ambassadors. After the conquest of Kantipur in 1770, as the king of Gorkha, he appointed Gangadhar Pantha as an am bassador to Kaski State, and astrologer Kalu Pandey as the mobile envoy to Chaubisi Rajyas, the 24 principalities in the Gandaki River Basin.106 Prithvi Narayan Shah held that ambassador should be competent, nationalist, and well equipped with negotiat ing power. During Pratap Singh Shah&#8217;s regime, from 1775-1777, Dinanath Upadhaya played a significant role negotiating a trade agreement between Nepal and Tibet which was of political importance at the regional level, because using it, the border between Nepal and Sikkim was demarcated. Prior to the unification of Nepal, Upadhaya was the diplomatic representative of the king of Makwanpur. Using his negotiation skills, he played a vital role in resolving the border disputes with the East India Company. With the unification of Nepal by King Prithivi Narayan Shah, in 1769, Jaishi Kotha was established to execute foreign relations with Tibet and China, which during Bhimsen Thapa&#8217;s premiership got the name to &#8220;Munshi Khana&#8221;. Jaishi Kotha was retained as a division of Munshi Khana, 107 which was restructured during the Rana period by Prime Minster Jang Bahadur Rana. Surprisingly, we do not find Munsi Khana represented in the 41-member delegation that Jang Bahadur took to England.108 Prime Minister Chandra Shamsher reorganized Munsi Khana by creating units such as a) Jaishi Kotha, b) Sadar Amini Goswara, c) Seema Survey, d) India &#8211; Great Britain Division, e) Mun shi Captain&#8217;s Office, and Singh Durbar Farmaisi Adda as an associate division.109 After 1934, the Munshi Khana was upgraded at the Department level, to correspond with some of the offices in India and Lhasa.110 Nepali ambassadors in Lhasa and Calcutta were named as &#8220;Vakils&#8221;. In the one-hundred four years of the Rana rule, Nepal had established diplomatic relations only with four countries, Britain, the United States of America, France, and India, but after the political change in 1950, it expanded diplo matic relations, and started sending its resident ambassadors to other parts of the world. Since then, Nepal has diversified its foreign affairs along with its effective participation in international organizations and regional organizations.<\/p><h1>Amnesty<\/h1><p>Decision that sets aside prosecution or punishment for certain types of offences, pri- marily political, is an act of amnesty. Initially derived from the Greek term &#8216;amnestia&#8217;, it is similar to an official pardon for convicted people, but without the implications of forgiveness,111 Amnesty is usually offered by the government or state authority to 24\u00a0 an individual or any group of people con victed of political offence. Nevertheless, in International Law, there is no agreed defini tion of amnesty, as defining and exercising amnesties differs immensely from one state to another.112 Thus, amnesty, here, refers to the state-adopted measures to release specif ic individuals from criminal liabilities. States adopt amnesties in different contexts with varied purposes. Photo Credit: South China Morning Post An act of amnesty may have both positive and negative implications. It may rem edy human rights violations by releasing arbitrarily detailed individuals. In contrast, amnesty may also promote impunity for culprits of inexcusable crimes and gross violations of human rights. Generally, amnesties are legislated to ease political transi tions, particularly to facilitate post-conflict settings and motivate erstwhile combat ants to reintegrate into the society. However, granting amnesties to the perpetrators of war crimes, genocide, and crime against humanity is restricted. Since 2004, the United Nations considers torture, enforced disappearance, and extra judicial killings as unpardonable acts. However, such restrictions have introduced a conflict between a state&#8217;s decision to grant amnesty to war time perpetrators, and international human rights organizations impeding state&#8217;s choice. Also, it might be the opposite where we see a state is unwilling to grant amnesties despite the pressure from international organizations.113 An act of amnesty can be distinguished from a pardon. A pardon is a post-pros ecution method that revokes the penalty without forgiving the individual(s) charged for wrongdoing. More precisely, a pardon does not quench penal responsibility al though the convicted is exempted. 114 Although the purpose of an amnesty is to inspire reconciliation and contribute in restoring normalcy, as an instrument of transitional justice, amnesty also encourages establishment of truth and reconciliation commis sion and preventing protraction of an armed conflict. The UN Security Council, UN General Assembly, and UN Commission on Human Rights (Res. 1996\/71 and Res. 1996\/73) have encouraged granting of amnesties to those who have merely partici pated in hostilities.115 There are instances of successful amnesties, where governments work closely with international organizations including the United Nations and the International Criminal Court, to grant amnesties. Nevertheless, when the Ugandan government granted amnesty to alleged war criminal Joseph Kony to avoid further bloodshed in the region, it was seen as defying the International Criminal Court&#8217;s defiance for the rebel leader&#8217;s arrest on 33 charges of war crimes and human rights abuses. 116 Similarly, the pardon issued to former President of Peru Alberto Fujimori was condemned by the Amnesty International as a severe blow to human rights in the region and the victims and their families.117 25\u00a0 In the Nepali context, the Constitution of Nepal (Section 32, Article 276) stated that the President may, in accordance with law, grant pardons, suspend, commute, or remit any sentence passed by any Court, judicial or quasi-judicial body or admin istrative authority or body.118 As per the same provision in the constitution, on the 12th Republic Day, President Bidya Devi Bhandari granted amnesty to 434 convicts, languishing in prisons across the country, on May 30, 2019. Nepal has a tradition of granting amnesty to eligible prisoners to mark significant festivals like Dashain, Tihar, and Republic Day.119 Although Nepal&#8217;s Supreme Court in 2015 rejected the possibility of granting amnesty for the perpetrators of serious human rights violations during a decade-long Maoist insurgency from 1996-2006,120 the Sushil Koirala-led government petitioned the Supreme Court to review its decision, only to get rejected in April of 2020. Now, Nepal government has no other option than to revise transitional justice laws. Nepal&#8217;s transitional justice law passed in 2014 by the parliament established a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Commission for Investigation on En forced Disappeared Persons, which also contained provisions permitting amnesties even for crimes including torture, rape, and enforced disappearance.121 Nevertheless, the 2015 verdict stated that individuals convicted for rape, extra judicial killings, en forced disappearance and torture cannot be granted amnesty. The 2015 verdict also echoes the international practices. The 2020 verdict has, however, asked the govern ment to amend the Act by revising the amnesty provision. Although the government in 2018 prepared an amendment draft, it was withdrawn following a controversy. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Commission for Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons formed as per the Act has been limited to collecting complaints from the victims. 122<\/p><h1>Anarchy<\/h1><p>Derived from the Greek word &#8216;anarchos,&#8217; which means &#8216;without ruler&#8217;, anarchy in in- ternational relations means the absence of government or any central authority above the sovereign state. Often used as a synonym for disorder, confusion, and chaos, 123 this view about the international relations rests on a false assumption that world pol itics is permanently in &#8216;the state of nature&#8217; which is itself &#8216;a state of war of all against all&#8217;.124 Consequently, anarchy in the international system is identified as one of the prime causes of international conflict. The absence of government over governments, as realists say, leads to international conflicts. Although the United Nations has been established to maintain global peace and security, UN Security Council&#8217;s realistic face has obstructed the idealistic mission of the United Nations, because, &#8220;international institutions, created by the states themselves for their benefit, can drive cooperation either directly by sanctioning defects, or indirectly by diminishing the dissenters&#8217; profit in the long run&#8221;,125 26\u00a0 According to John Mearsheimer, an anarchic in ternational system motivates states to maximize their power in relations to other states.126 As there is no gov ernment over governments, anarchy also provides an opportunity for the great powers to increase their of fensive military capability,127 which eventually increases the chances of aggression and intensifies hostile inten tions. Also, because of anarchy, states can never be sure about the intentions of other states which often results in a security dilemma. &#8220;Striving to attain security from Source: Britannica attacks, [states] are driven to acquire more and more power in order to escape the impact of the power of others. Since no one can feel entirely secure in such a world of competing units, power competition ensues and the vicious circle of security and power accumulation is on&#8221;.128 In the absence of central government, states are obliged to rely on self-help, which increases the power-seeking tendencies of the states, and conflicts and wars become the inevitable features of the international system. Still, such conflict-gen erating image of anarchy has been modified by assuming that the international sys tem operates more like an &#8216;international society&#8217;129 over the conventional theory of international anarchy. Some scholars also believe that after the end of World War II, it was difficult for an &#8216;anarchical society&#8217; to sustain with the emergence of Bretton Wood institutions, multilateralism, and regionalism through the establishment of United Nations, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, European Union, and so on. It proved that states have entered a phase of interdependence and reciprocity propelled by international society&#8217;s spirit over the traits of self-help and survival driv en by international anarchy. Although the concept of International Society modifies the realist emphasis on power politics by proposing a &#8216;society of states&#8217; over a &#8216;system of states&#8217;,130 the little room for trust among states cannot be sidelined. A realist view of international relations believes that great powers usually regard each other with fear and suspicion. As a result, today&#8217;s ally might be a foe tomorrow, and today&#8217;s foe might be an ally tomorrow. The same understanding made realist thinkers like Ken neth Waltz claim that anarchy, or the absence of central authority, is the international system&#8217;s ordering principle. The lack of central power or the absence of authority higher than nation-states leads to a self-help system among states where each gov ernment tries to protect their interest and look for opportunities to exploit others. 131 &#8220;The obvious absence of a superordinate authority internationally sets the conditions for interacting agents because it creates a &#8220;self-help system&#8221;.132 These agents, namely states, are concerned with their very survival and will all act equally. &#8220;In anarchical realms, like units co-act, they are functionally similar and tend to remain so&#8221;.133 But, constructivists like Alexander Wendt view it differently, For Wendt, &#8220;anarchy is what states make of it&#8221;. Here, individual states perceive anarchy in their own ways. Thus, the constructivists are hopeful of finding a common ground amidst the presence of anarchy. 27\u00a0 The logic of anarchy considers states as the main actors existing in self-help envi ronment in which the security dilemma is always pressing, and states are believed to act rationally pursuing their national interests.134 Owing to the unavoidable presence of anarchy in international politics, Professor Graham Allison has coined the phrase &#8220;Thucydides&#8217; Trap&#8221; to describe the likelihood of conflict between a rising power and an established power. For Allison, the war between the United States &#8212; the estab lished power- and China- the rising power- is not inevitable but &#8216;more likely than not&#8217;135 because history provides evidence that the rise of an emerging power has always generated fear and anxiety among the established powers, which often leads to war. Nepali foreign policy has often confronted the anarchic international and region al system. Sino-Indian rivalry frequently tops the list at the regional level. Strategical ly located between India and China, Nepal faces both the prospects and challenges from the Sino-Indian geopolitical rivalry. Historically, Nepal has been balancing re lations with its two immediate neighbors to maximize economic growth and sus tain a balanced political stability with both neighbors. Today, India and China are identified as rising powers, India in South Asia, and China globally. Even though New Delhi and Beijing share a modern history of border conflicts and war, their rise to military, economic, and political power has become one of the most observed global affairs. As New Delhi and Beijing contest for regional supremacy and natural resources globally, their interactions have been labelled as a form of geo-political rivalry. The impacts of rivalry between China and India on Nepal, which is however aspiring to draw benefits out of India and China&#8217;s economic development, cannot be brushed aside. The strategic and economic interests of both the emerging powers over Nepal have immensely shaped the worldview of Nepali policymakers. If at times, the influence has been advantageous through aids and investments, often it has been unfavorable because of incompatible interest and geostrategic competition. Today, India has declined to join China-led BRI, but Nepal is one of its members. When Nepal promulgated its new constitution in 2015, China welcomed it unreservedly, while India welcomed the statute with a blockade. In Nepal, delays in the comple tion of Indian projects are often mentioned, whereas Chinese projects are reported to have moved much faster. Unforgettably, China&#8217;s investment pledges in Nepal are larger than India&#8217;s. Currently, the priorities, concerns, and interests of Nepal&#8217;s two immediate neighbors are different to some extent, even conflicting. Therefore, the challenge for Nepal is that while it tries to address one country&#8217;s priorities, the other country&#8217;s concerns might be ignored. Although Nepal has been exercising the policy of equidistance to deal with the two neighbors&#8217; priorities, still, the anarchy triggered by the geopolitical rivalry between them has vividly impacted Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy maneuverings. As a matter of fact, the entire South Asian region has been impacted by the rivalry between China and India. The geopolitical hostility between the two has not only confounded South Asian countries, but has eventually obliged them to favor one against the other. Instead of favoring one against the other, it would be best for Nepal to exercise a policy of equi-proximity with its immediate neighbors. 28\u00a0 Equi-proximity helps balance Nepal&#8217;s relations with India and China. Also, if India and China are really willing to be the drivers of the Asian century, they need to brush aside their rivalry, and concurrently take their immediate neighbors like Nepal into confidence, mainly through their neighborhood policies. Small powers in their vicinity need to be convinced that the interests of the emerging powers in their neigh borhood are primarily economic, and for regional development along with mutual benefit is what matters most.<\/p><h1>Apartheid<\/h1><p>Apartheid, simply means &#8216;separateness,&#8217; the African word for which is &#8216;aparthood&#8217;. Apartheid refers to the policies of racial segregation adopted by the Republic of South Africa since the accession to power of the National Party in 1948.136 The discriminatory policies institutionalized racial exclusion in different regions of South Africa from 1948 to the early 1990s when the population was racially divided into four main groups: white Europeans, black Africans, colored mixed race, and Asian population groups. According to the World Bank, in 1990, the racial make-up of the population was 13.6% white, 75.2% black, 2.6% Asian, and 8.6% colored. Apartheid endowed a monopoly of power to the minority white group with monopoly of power. In 1984, the constitution was amended to give some political representation to the colored mass and Asian population groups.137 Under the apartheid system, the non-white South Africans &#8212; the majority of population were forced to live separately from the whites, and were subjected to separate public facilities. The apartheid law existed for around fifty years and after the release of Nelson Mandela, the new policy took effect in 1994 marking the official end of the apartheid system in South Africa. 138 After the BOYCOTT APARTHEID Photo Credit: Al Jazeera 29\u00a0 new constitution enfranchised blacks and other racial groups, elections in the same year formed a coalition government with a non-white majority that put an end to all kinds of racial discrimination existing from 1948. By 1950, the government had prohibited sexual relations between black and white South Africans, and banned marriage between the whites and the people of other races. More than 80% of the country&#8217;s land was also set aside for the white minority by a series of Land Acts, and laws were also passed requiring the non-whites to carry documents authorizing their presence in the restricted areas. 139 The apartheid policies were variously condemned and critiqued. Recently decol onized countries were condemning the policies of South Africa in the United Nations. Political, economic, and diplomatic sanctions were also imposed by the internation al organizations. Since 1948, almost annually, the General Assembly of the United Nations passed resolutions critiquing the apartheid policies and the government of South Africa, and the United Nations asked the member countries in 1962 to cut off diplomatic and economic relations with the Republic and established a perma nent Special Committee on Apartheid to review racial developments in South Africa. The General Assembly also set up an International Convention on Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid and declared it &#8216;a crime against humanity&#8217;.140 Although western powers including the United States and United Kingdom were not able to accept apartheid, they could not discard the strategic and economic value of South Africa. During the Cold War, South Africa was strategically essential for them in combating communism, because of its geographical position on the shortest route from Europe to Asia. South Africa also supplied the West with gold, coal, and min eral wealth, besides preserving the western investment. Apartheid largely impacted the foreign policy of South Africa in terms of its external projection and response of the international community and neighboring countries. From 1948 to 1989, South Africa perceptively aligned itself with the West in the context of the Cold War politics. Thus, if the U.S. policy towards South Africa was to encourage reform by sustaining western influence, the policy of the Sovi et Union and China was to encourage national liberation movements and dislodge western influence in the African region. The Black neighbors of South Africa also encouraged anti-white revolutions while not giving up their economic dependency on South Africa. Significantly different from the South African context, several countries have practiced the policies of racial segregation in different periods of history. Under the policy of racial discrimination, human beings are divided into biologically distinct races, resulting into social stratification. Discriminations does not happen only in the name of race. Caste, class, and ethnicity, too, play their roles. The case system in Nepal and India, for instance, has been critiqued as &#8216;hidden apartheid141 by various human right organizations. As for Nepal, it is a party to the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (1973 12\/7\/1977 (A)) and International Convention against Apartheid in Sports (1985 1\/3\/1989 (R)).142 30<\/p><h1>Arab-Israel Conflict<\/h1><p>It is a protracted conflict between the Israelis and the Arabs in the Middle East over the territory historically known as Palestine, which is considered sacred by Juda ism, Islam, and Christianity. Until the end of the First World War, Palestine was politically under the control of the Ottoman Empire. After the war, the League of Nations entrusted Britain with the mandate for Palestine. The Mandate System was introduced after the First World War by the League of Nations to administer the non-self-governing territories.143 Even before the establishment of the League of Na tions, while the war was underway, in 1917, under the Balfour Declaration, Britain was committed to the idea of establishing a Jewish home in Palestine. After holding discussion in the British Cabinet, and following consultation with Zionist leaders, the decision was made public in the form of a letter by Lord Arthur James Balfour,144 which is known as the Balfour Declaration. Jewish immigration to the Palestine soon triggered communal tensions with the majority population of the Arab world. The opposition of Arab world to the idea of the Jewish state was first voiced to the US funded King-Crane Commission in the 1920s. A Commission was appointed during the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 at the request of U.S. President Woodrow Wilson to understand the opinion of the Syrians and Palestinians on the post-World War First territorial arrangements. The Mandate Authority gradually realized that the implementation of the Balfour Declaration was only propelling Palestine toward inter-communal strife and chaos, and at the end of the 1930s, a proposal to partition the two communities was floated by the British Royal Commission. One consequence of the Mandate System was that the Palestine became an inter national issue. United States became a significant supporter of a Jewish home while Arab countries, individually and collectively through Arab League, provided the as sistance of all kinds to Palestine. During the Cold War period, the Soviet Union maintained a close diplomatic and aid links with the Palestine Liberation Organiza Photo Credit: Reuters 31\u00a0 tion (PLO), an organization established in 1964 that believes in &#8220;liberation of Pal estine&#8221; through armed struggle. The United Nations has taken some critical policy initiatives however. In 1947, the UN special commission proposed a partition plan for Palestine and an emergency peacekeeping force was sent to Egypt by the UN in 1956. Important declaratory resolutions were passed in 1967 and 1973 by the Se curity Council. 145 As the de facto partition of Palestine took place in 1948 with the establishment of the State of Israel, the old mandate territory came under the control of a new state, rendering the Arab inhabitants to become Palestine refugees, who were settled in the neighboring Arab states.146 In 1967, Eastern Jerusalem and the West Bank as well as most of the Syrian Golan Heights and Gaza and the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula went to Israel.147 Third party mediation attempts have been repeatedly made to resolve the con flict, but producing little momentum. Two important mediators have been the UN and the United States. Public and private diplomatic initiatives between Israel and various Palestinian groups, and between Jordan and Syria have taken place continu ously since the end of the Persian Gulf War.148 Today, tensions run high between Is rael and Palestinians living in East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the West Bank. Gaza is ruled by a Palestinian militant group called Hamas, which has fought Israel many times. The Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank condemn Israeli actions and restrictions, while Israel believes it is only acting to protect itself from Palestinian violence. Both the parties have not been able to resolve the issues including the Palestinian refugees, Jewish settlements in the West Bank, sharing of Jerusalem, and that of the Palestinian state. Nepal adheres to the idea that Israel and Palestine should together maintain &#8220;peace and security&#8221; in the globally recognized international border. The same under standing was echoed in Nepal&#8217;s decision to vote in favor of a UN General Assembly resolution criticizing the US decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel&#8217;s Capital. Nepal did not recognize it to be &#8220;consistent with&#8221; the country&#8217;s historic position on Israel and Palestine. 149 Nepal has also sent its troops to monitor the truce in the sensitive region adjoining Israel. Nepal sent its mission to UNTSO (United Nations Truce Su pervision Organization) in 1992.150 Set up in May 1948, UNTSO was the first ever peacekeeping operation established by the United Nations tasked with mediating conflict between Israel and its neighbors both during and after the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.151 Also, under the UN peacekeeping mission, Nepal Army has been patrolling the sensitive region bordering Israel. Since the 1948 Arab-Israel war, a blue line wall was established along the Lebanon-Israel border where the claim of Lebanon is that its land was encroached with the marking of the line.152 Nepali peace keeping mission is regarded to be neutral, especially in the Palestine-Israel conflict since the troops are non-Muslim, and Israel would never accept troops from Muslim countries as they may harbor sympathies towards Islamic militants.153 Even while developing relations with Israel, Nepal sustained good relations with the Arab world by support ing peace and stability in the region because it welcomed every attempt for peace and 32\u00a0 a just solution to the problem of Israel-Palestine conflict. Nepal also welcomed the Camp David Accord signed between Israel and Egypt in 1978. Nepali Prime Min ster wrote letters to appreciate the role of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Chairman Yasser Arafat when Israel and PLO signed the historic Oslo Agreement in 1993 to end violence and find a peaceful solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict.154<\/p><h1>Arab League<\/h1><p>Also known as the League of Arab States, Arab league was founded in 1945 as a loose associa tion of 22 Arab nations whose core objective is to strengthen ties among member states, enhance policy coordination, and boost up cooperation among its members on the issues of shared inter ests. The League materialized after the founding members including Saudi Arabia, Syria, Leba non, Egypt, Iraq, Transjordan, and Yemen agreed to renounce violence as a means to settle disputes between members and called for a close cooper Photo Credit: Arab League ation on the matters of trade, customs, currency, agriculture, industry, communi cations, and transport including roads, railways, aviation, navigation, and posts and telegraphs, cultural matters and matters connected with nationality, passport, visas, execution of judgments as well as extradition, social welfare matters and health.155 A 1950 pact committed member states to treat acts of aggression against any member state as an act against all.156 As of 2020, there are 22 members and four observers of the Arab League which includes Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. The four observers are Brazil, Eritrea, India, and Venezuela.157 The League came into existence not only to deal with the concerns that arose out of the postwar colonial division of territories, but also by endorsing a strong opposi tion against the emergence of a Jewish state on the Palestinian territory. The League has drawn flak for its disunity and poor governance and has been criticized as the heaven for autocratic regimes than for the denizens of the Arab world. 158 The objectives of the League, as stated in Article 2 of the Charter, are: \u00b7 To draw closer the relations between member-states and coordinate their political activities \u00b7 Safeguard their independence and sovereignty \u00b7 Promote the interests of Arab countries \u00b7 Mediate in disputes between members or between members and a third party159 33\u00a0 Guided by an objective to promote the interests of the Arab countries, Arab League played a significant diplomatic role advocating for Palestinian statehood at the United Nations and had opportunities to play a role in the uprisings in many Arab countries in the early 2010s.160 For some observers, the League&#8217;s actions during the 2011 revolu tion in Libya was commendable for it supported the ouster of Muammar al-Qaddafi. Still, the League&#8217;s failed diplomacy in Syria and Yemen has been variously condemned. Notably, Syrian membership has been suspended since 2010. Equally, its fragmented response to the rise of the Islamic State is often critiqued, and the sectarian division and power rivalries among the member states also cannot be ignored.161 Structurally, the Council is the highest body of the league which includes foreign ministers of all the member-countries, but the day-to-day affairs are managed by the general secretariat. In 1959, the League held the first Arab Petroleum Congress. In 1997, funds were created to finance economic reforms. The 1990 Cairo Summit called for a greater Arab solidarity and strengthening the institutional structure of the League. Still, the League is not free of grave challenges. Since its establishment, the Arab League has been confronted by challenges introduced by the Arab-Israeli conflict, Iran-Iraq war, and Iraq-Kuwait war. During the Cold War, the effectiveness of the League was weakened by the division among the member states. Hostilities be tween traditional monarchies including Jordan, Saudi Arabia and new republics like Iraq, Egypt and Libya have sustained, severely, impacting the vitality of the League. Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Kuwait, members of the Arab League, are among the top labor destination countries for Nepal. Nepali workers are employed in the construction and manufacturing sectors, and as caregivers or housemaids there.162 But, having assessed Nepal&#8217;s labor diplomacy during the time of pandemic, it has been realized how the dimension of human security needs to be further reinforced in Nepal&#8217;s labor diplomacy while addressing the issue of work, livelihood, and identity of the Nepali labor migrants in Arab world. Nepali labor migrants were heavily im pacted by the spread of COVID-19 in these countries. By May 11, 2020, in Qatar alone, 6,911 Nepali workers were infected, which was the highest among all the des tination countries.163 According to the Foreign Employment Board, 49 died in Saudi Arabia, the highest among all the labor destination countries for Nepali workers. For ty-six migrant workers from Nepal died in the UAE, 41 in Qatar, 11 in Kuwait, and 3 in Bahrain, until the second week of May, 2020. Because of the protracted lockdown and suspended international flights, the families of deceased Nepali migrant workers had to give their approval to perform the last rites of their loved ones in the labor des tinations, Until May 23, 2020, the last rites of 32 migrant workers were done in the UAE, seven in Saudi Arabia, and six in Qatar.164 Many workers also lost their jobs in these countries.165 There were also cases of unpaid Nepalese migrant workers, during the pandemic. Hundreds of Nepali migrant workers were reported to have gone on strike in the United Arab Emirates over non-payment for over two months, while 500 terminated their work in Ruwais of Abu Dhabi.166 34\u00a0 Destination Countries Number of Nepali Laborers Estimated Job Loss in % Malaysia 500,000 30 UAE 400,000 30 Qatar 425,000 20 Saudi Arabia 380,000 20 Kuwait 80,000 15 Bahrain 35,000 12 Omen 17,500 10 Source: Nepal Association of Foreign Employment Agencies There were cases of migrant workers being stigmatized and targeted for discrimi nation during the pandemic. COVID-19 also exacerbated xenophobia and racism globally. The fear and hatred disposed toward Asian migrant workers,167 including the Nepalis, was quite perceptible. Following on Trump&#8217;s pressures on illegal migrants spreading virus in the U.S., the Kuwaiti government asked Nepal to repatriate the illegal Nepali workers living in the country.168 According to the Amnesty Internation al, Qatar used the global pandemic of Covid-19 as a plot to banish Nepali migrant workers illegally. Such decisions had a long-lasting effect on migrant workers, their families, and their communities.169 As the prime destination of Nepali workers in the Gulf region, Kuwait is currently employing about 80,000 to 85,000 Nepalis, 35.29 percent of which are domestic workers.170 Although it was the responsibility of the host state to combat the inhuman practices of stigma, racism and xenophobia target ed towards migrant workers, and to protect the rights of the migrant workers to life and health in camps, settlements, and collective shelters, the host state couldn&#8217;t pay heed to it during the time of global pandemic. Nepal&#8217;s labor diplomacy, which was constrained to regulating labor migration before COVID-19, faced the challenge of repatriating the stranded migrant workers. One of the biggest challenges to Nepal&#8217;s labor diplomacy was the lack of active en gagement with the destination countries to address various issues of Nepali migrants. The already under resourced Nepali embassies were not able to deal with the unprec edented situation triggered by the spread of ongoing COVID-19 and couldn&#8217;t make the receiving countries accountable in protecting of the lives of Nepali migrant work ers. Labor migrants, particularly in those countries, where Nepal has no diplomatic missions, were anxious about their situation and uncertain stay, which was further aggravated by the lack of authentic information. Regular communication with the migrants and monitoring could have played a positive role in building a sense of care and safety, which serves as a confidence and trust building measure between the citi zens and the state as its guardian. 35<\/p><h1>Arbitration<\/h1><p>Arbitration is a legal approach to resolve disputes outside of the courts. Here, disput- ing parties refer to &#8216;arbitrators by whose decision they agree to be bound&#8217;. Unlike the different kinds of non-binding dispute resolution, under arbitration, decision of the arbitrators is binding. Arbitration calls for the assistance of a neutral third party in the conflict, who assesses evidences from both the parties, and renders a decision, usually called an award, which is binding on the disputing parties.171 When it comes to conflict management, arbitration may appear similar to medi ation, and close to adjudication, but, in reality, differs from both. It is a non-judicial legal technique where the parties themselves set up the machinery to handle the dis pute(s) between them. 172 Thus, it aims to resolve disputes outside of the courts, where the conflicting parties refer the dispute either to the arbitrators or an arbitral tribunal and agree to be bound by the decision of an arbitrator. Hence, when disputing parties agree that a dispute between them shall be decided in a legally binding way by one or more impartial persons of their choice in a judicial manner, the agreement is called an arbitration.173 Today, arbitration is generally preferred to resolve the disputes that emerge out of international commercial transactions. It is also used to resolve labor disputes, consumer disputes and for the resolution of disputes between states and between investors and states. 174 Even though endeavors made outside the court to resolve the disputes are under stood as Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR), arbitration is different. Under ADR, an attempt is made to find a common ground for a binding settlement, while arbi tration clearly determines who is a winner and who is a loser, in relation to the rights and wrongs of a dispute. Some scholars believe arbitration is as old as man himself.175 During the classical times and in the medieval period, the Pope was often called upon to act as an arbitrator. It was arbitration that laid a foundation for the establishment of permanent judicial institutions. Talking about the evolution of international ar bitration, Jay Treaty of 1794 led to the establishment of three arbitral commissions for resolving the problems emerging from American Revolution. Also, in the 19th century, the United States and Britain inked a Ghent Treaty of 1814, whereby they agreed to resolve disputes between them by arbitration through a neutral third party of national commissioners.176 Multilateral treaties have called for the settlement of international disputes after the unsuccessful efforts at conciliation, by the process of arbitration. Hague conven tion of 1899 had not only mentioned a list of arbitrators but also called for the estab lishment of a library and a staff, to facilitate the process of arbitration and other forms of peaceful settlement of disputes. The United Nations adopted the Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards on 10 June 1958 which entered into force on 7 June 1959. The International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), the International Center of Dispute Resolution (ICDR), the Singapore International 36\u00a0 Photo Credit: Permanent Court of Arbitration Arbitration Center (SIAC), London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA), the International Branch of the American Arbitration Association (AAA), the Interna tional Center for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) each aim to resolve the disputes emerging from international commercial contracts.177 The Permanent Court of Arbitration, which was established in 1899 by the first Hague Peace Con ference to facilitate arbitration and other forms of dispute resolution between states, has now evolved into a modern, multi-faceted arbitral institution, which can meet the evolving dispute resolution needs of the international community. Not a court &#8220;in the traditional sense&#8221;, PCA provides arbitral tribunal services for the resolution of disputes involving various combinations of states, state entities, intergovernmental organizations, and private parties. 178<\/p><h1>Armistice<\/h1><p>Originating from Latin &#8216;arma&#8217; (which means &#8216;arms,&#8217;) and &#8216;stitium&#8217; (that means stop- page), armistice refers to the suspension of hostilities, but does not necessarily imply end of war. Still, armistice provides an opportunity for a peace treaty. When a rebel lious nature of conflict makes a peace treaty unattainable, an armistice becomes de facto and helps to maintain the status quo. Armistice cannot be unilateral. It is bilateral and can be distinguished from a truce, which generally refers to a temporary and specific declaration by the belliger ents, and at times also commences with a local pause in hostility.179 Under an armi stice, however, there is a formal settlement between the conflicting parties involved. The First World War ended with a series of armistice agreements.180 Also, celebra tions were held on the 11th of November, 2018 to mark the 100th anniversary of Ar mistice Day. Between the wars, only two such agreements were inked. One of them signed in Shanghai in 1932 brought about a cessation of hostilities in the Sino-Japa 37\u00a0 THE EVENING MISSOURIAN nese conflict181 and another was signed ARMISTICE IS SIGNED at Buenos Aires in 1935 suspending the hostilities between Bolivia and Para EXTRA guay over the Gran Chaco.182 The sec STATE DEPARTMENT SAYS GERMANY GAVE IN TO THE ond war also ended with a series of ar ALLIES&#8217; TERMS AT 5 A. M. KAISER WILL ABDICATE, mistice agreements. Hence, it has been SAYS BERLIN WIRELESS proven that armistices are essential for .. Germany signed the armistice ar 5o clock2. a. m. Hostilities cessed at It ef und by the State Department the suspension of conflicts in different tive The acceptance of Foch&#8217;y. ferris parts of the world as they are applied to nem a complete serrendet by Germany Era all the forces of the opposing belliger Photo Credit: Army Times ents, wherever they may be located.183 Still, there are cases where armistice has not been able to establish peace and stability. The crisis in Korean peninsula is an ap propriate example in this regard. North and South Korea are technically at war as the 1950-1953 Korean war ended with an armistice rather than a peace treaty.184 Both the countries have already violated the 1953 Korean Armistice Agreement during an exchange of gunfire along the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ).185 In 1949, a set of armistice agreements was signed between Israel and its neigh bors including Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon with an aim to officially end the hostilities trigged by the Arab-Israeli War of 1948, and to draw a Green Line, as a line of armistice between Israeli and Jordanian-Iraqi forces. Although the UN super vised and monitored the established armistice lines, a separate tripartite agreement was made between the United States, France, and Britain in 1950 to take actions against the countries violating the armistice lines, which existed, witnessing series of violations, until the 1967 Six-Day War between Israel and its neighboring countries including Syria, Egypt, and Jordan. In 2018, while the entire world was observing the centennial of the 1918 armi stice, not much was done in Nepal to remember a war in which many Nepali soldiers lost their lives and which also had a historic impact on Nepal&#8217;s political, socio-eco nomic, and cultural life.186 On such a rare occasion, Nepal should have appropriately assessed the contribution of Nepal in World War I, because Nepal had not only made a remarkable contribution with the deployment of soldiers in support of the Allies on the Western Front, in North Africa, and in the Middle East, but Nepal&#8217;s support to British India also helped to get recognition as a sovereign independent country187 in the Anglo-Nepal Treaty of 1923, which reads: &#8220;The two Governments agree mu tually to acknowledge and respect each other&#8217;s independence, both internal and ex ternal&#8221;.188 Undeniably, Nepal&#8217;s contribution in the First and Second World War also contributed in establishing a distinctive political ideology of Nepali nationalism as a bir (brave) nation. In the battle of Gallipoli, Nepalese soldiers were the first to arrive and the last to leave, and suffered at least 1,000 dead and 4,000 wounded. A part of the battlefield in Turkey is still called Gurkha Bluff. The Gurkha regiments officially 38\u00a0 suffered over 20,000 casualties.189 Even after the armistice ending Second World War, on the bounty of Hitler, Nepali soldiers were involved. As it was proclaimed that whoever caught Hitler would be offered crores in reward, a handful of Gurkhas were selected to capture Hitler. To their consternation, they found out that all German survivors of the war looked like Hitler. Several them were caught and questioned but they turned out to be fake Hitlers. Later, they found out Hitler had already commit ted suicide.190 2018 Centenary celebration in Paris was a suitable occasion to offer a tribute to the blood, sweat and loyalty offered by the Nepalese soldiers who saved the British and French empires against their aggressors. 191<\/p><h1>Arms control<\/h1><p>Arms control, with its long history in world politics, is a mechanism through which the proliferation of arms is constrained by agreements limiting their production, dis tribution, and use.192 Even ancient Athens had entered a range of arms control mea sures with the Spartans. In the modern age, the Rush-Bagehot Treaty (1817) between the United States and Canada demilitarized the border between them in the early 19th century. The 20th century saw a significant increase in the number of arms con trol agreements after the introduction of nuclear weapons and the looming threat of nuclear war during the Cold War. Today, arms control agreement has been stimulated by the problem of the horizontal spread of weapons among states both conventional and nuclear.193 Different from disarmament, which calls for the elimination of weapons, the objective of the arms control is to regulate and manage them. Arms control may go together with an increase in the numbers and types of weap ons. The purpose of arms con Photo Credit: International Centre for Defence and Security trol is generally accomplished through different strategies, particularly through different treaties. Such strategies and endeavors are intended to limit the number and kinds of weapons that can be used legally in war; reduce the size of arsenal with an aim to downsize the potential for destruction during the time of hostilities and war; ban technologies that may cre ate a destabilizing effect on the balance of power; and developing confidence-build ing measures.194 Since 1945, most of the arms control agreements have focused on the issues including proliferation of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, an ti-ballistic missile systems, and the frequency of nuclear tests around the world. 195 39\u00a0 Some of the major arms control agreements include: \u00b7 1925 Geneva Protocol banning the use of gas and bacteriological weapons (multilateral) \u00b7 1959 Antarctic Treaty &#8211; prohibits weapons testing and deployment in Antarc Ethics (multilateral) \u00b7 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty &#8211; bans atmospheric, underwater and outer-space nuclear tests (multilateral) \u00b7 1967 Outer Space Treaty &#8211; bans the deployment of nuclear weapons in space \u00b7 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) &#8211; (a) prohibits the acquisition of nuclear weapons by non-nuclear states, and (b) commits the five recognized nuclear powers to the reduction and removal of their weapons over time (mul tilateral) \u00b7 1972 Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty 1 (SALT 1) &#8211; limits strategic nuclear weapons and freezes ICBMs at 1972 levels (USA\/USSR) \u00b7 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty &#8211; limits the number of anti-ballistic missiles (USA\/USSR) \u00b7 1972 Biological Weapons Convention banning the manufacture and posses sion of biological weapons (multilateral) \u00b7 1987 Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty &#8211; eliminates all intermediate range nuclear weapons in Europe (USA\/USSR) \u00b7 1989 Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty limiting the number of conventional arms that could be deployed in Europe (multilateral) \u00b7 1991 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty 1 (START I) &#8211; limits the number of nuclear warheads and delivery systems (USA\/USSR) \u00b7 1993 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty 2 (START II) &#8211; further limits the num ber of nuclear warheads and eliminates certain categories of warhead (USA\/ Russia) \u00b7 1996 Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) &#8211; bans the testing of weapons, but not ratified by the USA, China, India, Pakistan, and North Korea (multi side) \u00b7 1998 Anti-Personnel Landmines Treaty (APLT) (multilateral) \u00b7 2002 Strategic Offensive Reduction Treaty (SORT or Moscow Treaty) &#8211; lim its the number of deployed nuclear warheads (USA\/Russia) \u00b7 2010 New START Treaty (or Prague Treaty) &#8211; limits both sides&#8217; nuclear war heads to 1,550, a 30 percent reduction on SORT and a 74 percent reduction on START 1 (USA\/Russia). Although arms control played an essential role in reducing tensions between the two superpowers during the Cold War, the process of inching to an agreement was not free from mistrust, uncooperative behavior, and uncertainty, highlighting the 40\u00a0 highly fragile nature of arms control agreements. Still, the international community has been enforcing arms control agreements in a world through sanctions, econom ic inducements, and diplomatic persuasion. Scholars from the developing countries have been arguing that arms control agreements are the instruments that the devel oped countries enforce to maintain their hold and sway over the international system, eventually breeding a suspicion over the contribution of arms control in international stability.196 Nepal has also been a party and signatory to number of arms control treaties including: \u00b7 Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water, 1963 \u00b7 Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction, 1993 \u00b7 Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, 1968 \u00b7 Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stock piling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their De struction, 1972 \u00b7 Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, 1996 \u00b7 Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor with the Subsoil Thereof, 1971 \u00b7 Regional Cooperative Agreement for Research, Development and Training Related to Nuclear Science and Technology, 1987<\/p><h1>Arms trade<\/h1><p>The transfer of arms, ammunition, and combat support equipment from one country to another is understood as arms trade. Such transfers are usually commercial in nature or a part of military assistance programs. Generally, the primary recipients are the gov ernments in the Middle East, even though the black marketing of arms has made them accessible to insurgents and separatist groups in different parts of Asia and Africa.197 According to recent data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Insti tute (SIPRI), the largest exporters of arms during the past five years were the United States, Russia, France, Germany, and China. Between 2010-14 and 2015-19, exports of major arms from the USA grew by 23 percent, raising its share of total global arms exports to 36 percent. In 2015-19 total US arms exports were 76 percent higher than those of the second-largest arms exporter in the world, Russia.198 These details ironi cally indicate that the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, ostensibly anticipated to maintain international peace and security, are themselves the largest suppliers of conventional weapons to the other states in the international 41\u00a0 system. 199 With the end of the Cold War, arms trade industry received a blow on its face, and hopes emerged that arms would be used more for the peaceful uses. Although defense industries became uncertain about their future for some time, arms trade restored itself as a vibrant industry in the 21st century, making the United States the largest arms supplier glob Photo Credit: United Nations Office for Disarmament Affair ally. Critics perceive arms trade as the process of assisting repressive states to suppress human rights. To them, arms trades have caused wars and impede economic development. Because of the increase in the small arms sales, violence, killings, mas sacres and acts against humanity have multiplied. In 2003, the European Union and United States were the biggest exporters of small arms.200 The arms trade industry representatives, in this regard, hold a different view. For them, arms sales can also have a stabilizing effect, and the ultimate underlying causes of instability are always political. The arms trade industry claims that there is no clear evidence to correlate the levels of arms exports with the numbers of casualties in wars. They also believe that if the arms can be exported to fulfill the purposes of repression, the same weapons can also be used to dissuade aggression and maintain a balance of power. Although the UN General Assembly voted in 1991 to create an annual reg ister of imports and exports of primary weapons, no sufficient work has been done, hitherto, to control the increasing black market in arms transfers.201 Although Nepal has already voted in favor of Arms Trade Treaty, a multilateral framework that intends to regulate the global conventional cross-border arms trade202 in the UN General Assembly in April 2013, it is yet to become a party to the treaty.203 It also does not make sense to wait for China or India, because, India and China are the largest importers of arms and have objection to the treaty on several grounds. Surprisingly, even as the most significant arms exporting country in the world, the United States has committed to a global regulation of the arms trade.204 Arms pur chases and arms deals of Nepal are often hauled in interpreting the 1950 Nepal-India treaty. New Delhi holds that Nepal should consult with India before purchasing arms from China. The provision in the 1950 treaty about the import of weapons by Nepal states: &#8220;Any arms, ammunition or warlike material and equipment necessary for the security of Nepal that the Government of Nepal may import through the territory of India shall be so imported with the assistance and agreement of the Government of India&#8221;. To support its stance, India often invokes the &#8220;secret&#8221; Arms Assistance Agreement concluded between Nepal and India in 1965, after the Sino-Indian war. Under the agreement, &#8220;India undertakes to supply arms, ammunition and equip 42\u00a0 ment for the entire Nepalese Army,&#8221; (Clause 3a) and &#8220;replace the existing Nepalese stock by modern weapons as soon as available and to provide the maintenance of and replacement for the equipment to be supplied by them&#8221;. (Clause 3b), and Nepal could buy arms or ammunition essential for its security from or through the terri tory of India (Clause 5). Also, it is doubtful whether the 1950 treaty really calls for common defense. Basically, a political document, the treaty&#8217;s Article II only calls for sharing military information between each other.205 Article II states, &#8220;The two Governments hereby undertake to inform each other of any serious friction, or mis understanding with any neighboring state likely to cause any breach in the friendly relations subsisting between the two Governments.&#8221; It does not specify that the treaty calls for common defense, as there is no mention of regular or immediate supply of information. Moreover, it depends on the judgment of each side whether its frictions or misunderstanding with third countries are likely to cause a breach in the friendly relations with the other contracting party.206 Letters were also exchanged mentioning that, &#8220;Neither Government shall tolerate any threat to the security of the other by a foreign aggressor. To deal with any such threat, the two Governments shall consult with each other and devise effective counter-measures&#8221;.207<\/p><h1>ASEAN<\/h1><p>Abbreviated as ASEAN, the Association of South-East Asian Nations was established in 1967 as the most im portant regional initiative in Asia by Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, the Philippines, Thailand, and Singapore, with Vietnam (1995), Laos and Burma (1997), and Cambodia (1999) joining subsequently. The organization is commit ted to promoting intergovernmental relations between asean Asian countries and ensure political, economic, military, educational, and sociocultural assimilation throughout the Asian region via joint endeavors. Strengthening the Photo Credit: Association for Southeast Asian Nations spirit of reciprocity and interdependence, ASEAN aims to establish a base for prosperous and peaceful community of Southeast Asian countries. The relation between members states is principally guided by the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) which binds the members on following fundamental principles:208 \u00b7 Mutual respect for the independence, sovereignty, equality, territorial integri ty, and national identity of all nations; \u00b7 The right of every State to lead its national existence free from external inter ference, subversion, or coercion; \u00b7 Non-interference in the internal affairs of one another; 43\u00a0 \u00b7 Settlement of differences or disputes by peaceful manner; \u00b7 Renunciation of the threat or use of force; and \u00b7 Effective cooperation among themselves. As a product of the Cold War period, its initial focus was on security matters, particularly on settling intra-regional disputes and concurrently resisting superpower influence in the region. Steadily, the organization moved toward cooperation on eco nomic and trade matters, eventually leading to an agreement in 1992 establishing the ASEAN Free Trade Area, due to be completed by 2007.209 After having faced the chal lenges brought by the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98 and by the need to cope with the rising economic clout of China, this association renewed its vigor through initiatives including the proposed creation of the &#8216;Asian Community&#8217; which was to be completed by 2015. It even made some scholars draw parallels with the European Union and the process of European integration.210 Attempts were also made to nurture political and economic ties with the major powers, including the U.S., China, and Japan. Emphasis was laid on strengthening ASEAN&#8217;s relationship with China. In 2002, ASEAN and China agreed to establish between them the world&#8217;s largest free trade area, encompassing about 2 billion people and it came into effect in 2010. In numerous ways, ASEAN has promoted wider re gional cooperation, including ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), established in 1994, with the objective to build confidence and enhance dialogue on security-related issues among the countries in the Asia Pacific region. Created in 1997, the ASEAN plus Three grouping has intensified cooperation between the ASEAN ten and China, South Korea, and Japan. Under the Chiang Mai Initiative of 2000, ASEAN plus Three coun tries launched a multilateral agreement of currency swap with an objective to provide protective measures against the financial crisis in the future. Also, in the East Asia Sum mit (EAS), ASEAN has been playing a leading role.211 As an evolving economic power house, ASEAN countries have largely attracted international investors and enterprises. While economic uncertainty has cloaked the developed markets, the regional associa tion is seen as an opportunity for the companies working in the infrastructure sector. The ASEAN Business Outlook Survey 2011, which was conducted by the American Chamber of Commerce, discovered that American companies expect the ASEAN mar ket to become increasingly important for their business. When the survey polled 327 senior executives from US companies in Malaysia, Singapore, Cambodia, Indonesia, Thailand, Philippines, and Vietnam, 73% of the survey respondents were found saying that ASEAN&#8217;s importance to their business will grow, with 85% of them planning to expand their business in ASEAN.212 Rich in commodities and natural resources, ASE AN countries have been manufacturing crude palm oil, rubber, oil, and coal. They are also the major exporters of auto parts and large trucks, and offer world class business infrastructure, legal regime and financial services and enterprise eco-system. Due to cross-border travel, migration, and international tourism, Southeast Asia is closely interconnected with the rest of the world. As for the impact of COVID-19 44\u00a0 on ASEAN countries, before the upsurge in cases, many Southeast Asian countries did not take the threat posed by COVID-19 seriously. Some believed, prayer would keep the disease away. Others thought that the tropical heat would slow the spread of the virus. Malaysia even allowed large religious gatherings. Indonesian President Joko Widodo admitted that he misled the public about the dangers of the disease caused by the coronavirus COVID-19, to prevent the outburst of collective fear. Indonesian Health Minister Terawan Agus Putranto, advised citizens &#8220;to relax and avoid overtime work to avoid the disease.&#8221; In the Philippines, critics accused President Rodrigo Dute rte of using the virus as cover to pursue his oft-stated ambition of imposing a martial law. Myanmar&#8217;s spokesperson was reported saying, &#8220;COVID-19 is still not present in Myanmar. The lifestyle and diet of Myanmar citizens are immune to the coronavi rus&#8221;.213 In Cambodia, Prime Minister Hun Sen told a packed news conference that &#8220;he would kick out anyone who was wearing a surgical mask because such measures were creating an unwarranted climate of fear.&#8221; Even with the WHO declaring the epidemic as a global health emergency, it seems as if Southeast Asia, a magnet for Chinese tourists and workers, was not paying heed.214 Analysts were heard stating: Beijing was looking for support to avoid further criticisms for its handling of the outbreak of the new coronavirus. Alfred M. Wu, associate professor in the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore, said, &#8220;China is promoting a message of friendships in ASEAN to counter the attack from the West that it has been handling the outbreak poorly&#8221;.215 To be more precise, ASEAN and China have an annual travel flow of more than 65 million visits, and many ASEAN economies are reliant on Chinese tourist receipts. ASEAN nations collectively are also China&#8217;s second-largest trading partners. Thus, a question that rises here is: Does this interdependence between ASEAN countries and China, or the Chinese influence have a role to play in the delayed re sponse? Strategists claim that China was exercising its &#8216;soft power diplomacy&#8217; to derive more support from its Southeast Asian neighbors, which have received billions of dollars in Chinese investment and infrastructure projects under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The Special ASEAN-China Foreign Ministers&#8217; Meeting on Coronavirus Disease on 20 February 2020 held in Laos was reflective of this. In the meeting, ASEAN foreign ministers joined hands with their Chinese counterpart Wang Yi during the meeting and shouted: &#8220;Stay strong, Wuhan! Stay strong, China! Stay strong, ASEAN!\u201d 216 Astonish ingly, even if most of the ASEAN countries have weak healthcare systems, countries like Myanmar and Laos rushed to donate goggles, face masks and respirators to China. Laos mustered $400,000 and $100,000-worth of supplies for donating to China after a national fundraising campaign. Myanmar&#8217;s military also donated protective equip ment to help China in its battle against the novel coronavirus outbreak.217 Surprisingly, at present, the different policy decisions that ASEAN countries took in response to the pandemic not only exposed the divergence and inconsistency among neighboring countries, but also generated a suspicion on the feasibility of a united regional response. Countries like the Philippines barred all foreign nationals coming from China, Hong Kong, and Macau. Malaysia also imposed a temporary travel ban on arrivals from all 45\u00a0 Chinese provinces that were placed under lockdown by the Chinese government. Thai AG co land also issued a travel advisory urging citizens to avoid non-essential travel to China. From the very beginning, Singapore imposed an outright ban. Even responses were So quite divided among the countries. Singapore&#8217;s approach towards tackling the virus CO outbreak was the most noteworthy in this region. It was one of the first countries to uncle ban all travelers from mainland China, starting in late January. However, it manifested About a kind of discrepancy in the postures and policies of the ASEAN countries signaling the Ca dearth of collective response of ASEAN as a regional entity.218 colour As one of the world&#8217;s most diverse regions, Southeast Asia is home to the 640 mil lion people among which 240 million are Muslims, 120 million Christians, and 150 cisr million Buddhists, with millions of Hindus, Taoists, Confucianists, and Communists. Blood Its most populous country, Indonesia, is home to 261 million people, while Brunei Further has just 450,000.219 Singapore&#8217;s per capita income of $52,960 per annum is 22.5 times by that of Laos ($2,353). Because of the same diversity, when ASEAN was founded in About 1967, most experts expected it to die within a few years. Nevertheless, ASEAN defied Believe expectations, becoming the world&#8217;s second most successful regional organization, after see the European Union. Today, ASEAN comprises the world&#8217;s seventh-largest economy, the on track to become the fourth largest by 2050.220 The VICTIMS age WOR<\/p><h1>AUKUS<\/h1><p>AUKUS is a trilateral security pact between Australia, the United States of America, and CRUI the United Kingdom. The pact was initiated on 15 September 2021 for the Indo-Pacific ards region, assisting Australia to obtain nuclear-powered submarines.221 The development meaning of Australia&#8217;s nuclear-powered submarines is considered as joint endeavors between the geo three countries concentrating on interoperability, commonality, and mutual benefit.222 tow The pact is also aimed to enhance cyber capabilities, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and additional undersea capabilities.223 The pact is also aimed at ensuring and the rule-based order, deepening diplomatic, security, and defense cooperation in the clear Indo-Pacific region224 by working with the other partners and countering the challenges have of this century in the region. The se Heavy curity pact includes cooperation in the does security and defense-related science, Mod technology, industrial bases, and sup the n ply chains,225 of th As a trilateral alliance, AUKUS, at its core, is intended to counter Chi cent na.226 The initiation of the AUKUS has in th been understood as an attempt towards impli reinforcing the military preparedness inter Photo Credit: BBC north mem 46 partn\u00a0 against the rise of China in the region, and escaping the &#8216;Thucydides Trap&#8217;.227 Many countries have shown a positive attitude towards this pact, including Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, the Philippines, Vietnam, and India.228 This is considered by some of the countries as an opportunity to transfer nuclear technology for themselves. The situa tion of the nuclear arms race aggravates the tensions for some of the countries in East Asia229 including the countries like Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia.230 New Zealand, which is the neighboring country of Australia, has serious concern over the functions of this pact.231 The AUKUS is primarily targeted against China. But the pact is not free of criti cism. Following the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, U.S. leadership in AUKUS has drawn severe criticism for abandoning its allies when it no longer needs them.232 Sim ilarly, AUKUS is also exploited to stimulate nationalism back home, providing propa ganda on China, which may equally provoke China&#8217;s ongoing offensive strategy in East Asia. 233 While the Indo-Pacific strategy has been gaining impetus among democracies globally over the past few years, AUKUS seems to have splintered this apparent con vergence. The AUKUS alliance was announced by the USA, Australia, and the UK on the very day the EU published its own &#8220;strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific&#8221;.234 Many experts and scholars have anticipated several risks involved with AUKUS.235 The focus of the pact to equip Australia with nuclear-powered submarines could dam age the international regime that controls the proliferation of nuclear weapons, further worsening the arms race and submarine proliferation.236 The transferal of Tomahawk cruise missiles to Australia points out two topics: a possible augmentation of the haz ards of cruise missiles and a weakening of the export control regime that deals with sensitive missile technologies (the MTCR).237 The risk of the broader geostrategic and geopolitical implications also increases with this security pact accelerating the trend towards real power politics in the Indo-Pacific.238 As AUKUS as a security pact increases the risk in the regional security complex and poses a fraction among the countries in the West. The small states and non-nu clear states face considerable repercussions in the region. Also, the strategic landscapes have transformed due to the rise of this trilateral pact establishing the new theatre for great-power competition. Because of the major power politics and competition, Nepal doesn&#8217;t remain free of its impacts.239 Already Nepal bears a massive challenge in accom modating the interests of the major powers. The upsurge in the nuclear capabilities in the neighboring region of Nepal has increased a considerable threat.240 The possible risk of the arms trade in the region carries potential impacts for Nepal. Being at the epi center of the Indo-Sino rivalry, there is always a negative impact of such security pacts in the neighborhood.241 This points out geostrategic, geopolitical and geoeconomics implications for Nepal. Therefore, Nepal needs to be tactful while accommodating the interest of the major powers in the future. While AUKUS is targeted to contain Nepal&#8217;s northern neighbor, China, its impact on Nepal is obvious. With all three AUKUS member countries, Nepal has a harmonious relation. They are the major development partners for Nepal. Although rise of China has strategized Nepal&#8217;s geography, Nepal 47\u00a0 cannot afford to take sides. Still, assessing the aims and objectives of AUKUS, there are the chances of Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy of non-alignment and neutrality being influenced. Thus, a cautious approach is required in its act of balancing. While the objectives of AUKUS and QUAD remain the same-containing China&#8217;s rise-India, a QUAD member and Nepal&#8217;s Southern neighbor may automatically develop a sympathy and solidarity towards AUKUS. In such an adverse condition, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy of equidistance may face a geopolitical dilemma. As AUKUS emerged at the time when Nepal remained uncertain over U.S .- sponsored MCC project against which China has a reservation, Kathmandu&#8217;s policy makers need to tread a cautious path.<\/p><h1>Autarky<\/h1><p>Autarky can be understood as the state of economic self-sufficiency with the control of economic resources and reduced economic dependency on other states,242 but it should not be confused with &#8216;autarchy,&#8217; which means self-rule. Autarky refers to the absence of trade and therefore self-sufficiency. Thus, absolute autarky seems impossi ble owing to the way human communities have exchanged goods and services since the earliest times. Economic liberalism has largely rejected autarky as inefficient and calls for unavoidable interdependence, and demands comparative advantage of inter national trade. Although certain events in the early decades of the 20th century including the First World War, Fascism, and Communism dismantled the spirit of interdepen dence, a new impetus encouraging autarky was evident in Germany and the Soviet Union. However, in Asia, Japan opted for co-prosperity against autarky. Only with the end of the Second World War, Bretton Woods conference restored liberalism by strengthening the spirit of interdependence and reciprocity.243 With the end of bipo larity in 1990, and Capitalism surviving without any alternative,244 globalization in tensified the &#8216;complex web of interdependence&#8217; through multilateralism, internation al and regional organizations, trade corridors, and sub-regional entities. But, once again, the global financial recession of 2008 largely unveiled the fissure in neo-liberal economy, obliging many countries to tread on the protectionist measures. It was sur prising to see the leader of the economic liberalism and market-based economy, the United States under Trump administration, exercising the policies of protectionism, and the communist China speeding ahead with market-driven capitalism. During the Indian blockade of 2015, which resulted in an acute shortage of essential commodities in the major towns of Nepal, voices favoring autarky were heard mainly in the hill regions of the country. Observers and general folks asked the government to start measures for self-sufficiency by exploiting the natural resourc es available in the county and boosting the indigenous industries. To initiate such initiatives, it is essential to review our import and export business and reduce the import of less essential commodities. Measures were suggested to promote autarky 48\u00a0 in commodities by regulating the import of goods.245 Till 1950 Nepal had pursued the policy of isolationism even when the trade route between North India and Tibet via Kathmandu could not be ignored altogether. Hence, it is not valid to claim that Nepal pursued the policy of autarky historically until the 1950, when Nepal opened to the world. Despite the emphasis on self-sufficiency since the advent of Prithivi Narayan Shah, Banaras and Calcutta under British India and Tibet on the north did play an essential role in Nepal&#8217;s financial, diplomatic, and military activities.246 In today&#8217;s globalized world, autarky is perceived quite negatively. But, in Nepal, even to dismiss the narrative of Nepal&#8217;s asymmetric dependence on India, autarky is enter tained despite its neo-liberal behavior, which stands in sharp contrast to the path of socialist economy envisioned by its 2015 constitution. Autonomy Understood as self-government, autonomy is also associated with the idea of sover eignty and independence.247 It was the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 that marked the beginning of the autonomy of the state. Prior to Westphalia, even though the states were conventionally believed as autonomous entities, the political autonomy of the countries was often intervened. In the west, such intervention came from the Church or the Holy Roman Empire. Today, all the countries, small or big, powerful, or weak, fragile, or active, enjoy their political autonomy. Countries have their political independence to take decision on their own, without external interference. But the idea of autonomy is not confined only to states. Even an organization or region has the right to be independent and govern itself with the ability to take decisions without being controlled by external forces. In that sense, autonomy is the capacity and right of a country or any other jurisdiction to govern itself. The term autonomy comes from the Greek word, &#8220;autonomia&#8221; which means &#8220;self-rule&#8221; or self-law&#8221;.248 With the beginning of the decolonization process, after the end of World War II and formation of the United Nations, many countries launched independence movement against their colonial masters in different parts of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, which brought the political autonomy to the former colonies. To be autonomous, however, recog nition from the international community is also equally important. Today, we see Palestin ians struggling to establish an autonomous state of their own. Another example is the 2014 referendum for Scottish independence, when 55% voted against the proposal for Scotland to become an independent country and 45% voted in favor and Scotland remained inside the United Kingdom. Tuareg separatists launching rebellion in northern Mali, with the ob jective to attain political autonomy, Indian Kashmiris protesting India for an independent state, are two other examples. Since the advent of modern Nepal in 1769, the Himalayan country has always preserved its political autonomy. Even when its two neighbors were bearing the brunt of colonialism, Nepal stood free, independent, and autonomous. Nepal even fought wars with China in 49\u00a0 1792 and Britain from 1814-1816 to maintain its autonomy unopposed. Although Nepal&#8217;s geographical frontiers have changed from time to time,249 the national life today is the con sequence of the autonomy it has been able to retain. However, it cannot be ignored, too, that Nepal also exercised the policy of appeasement in different periods of time, to keep its autonomy intact. All the Rana prime ministers starting from Jung Bahadur appeased the British East India company and the trend continued even after 1950, owing to Nepal&#8217;s vulnerable geostrategic location. Jung Bahadur&#8217;s visit to Europe in 1850 and Nepal&#8217;s support to Britain in suppression of the Indian mutiny in 1857, Chandra Shumsher Rana&#8217;s assistance to the Younghusband expedition to Tibet in 1904, and the involvement of 100,000 Nepalese soldiers&#8217; involvement in support of Britain in the Frist World War from 1914-1918250 are instances of the way Nepal appeased Britain to maintain its political autonomy. After Britain recognized Nepal&#8217;s political independence and autonomy in 1923, there was a mobilization of Nepal&#8217;s resources in sup port of Britain in Second World War too.251 During the Panchayat period, King Mahendra inched closer towards the United States not only to balance relations with India and China, but also to strengthen Nepal&#8217;s political autonomy. Nepal sustained its political independence even during the protracted political transition from 2006-2015, when the Indian microman agement was reportedly at its peak. In 2015, when India tried to influence Nepal&#8217;s sovereign right to promulgate its own constitution, the country stood up solidly exercising its autonomy and unveiled the constitution on its own, resisting sturdily Delhi&#8217;s approach. Even the block ade could not make bend Nepal. Even though almost all the old generation Nepalese political leaders had their political schooling in India, Nepal has been able to maintain its political autonomy, on issues of national, diplomatic, and geopolitical significance. Still, some of the treaties and agreements Nepali decision makers have signed with India are reckoned as com promise to Nepal&#8217;s autonomy. The 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Nepal and India, and the Mahakali Treaty signed in 1996 are the two cases that have drawn strong flak.<\/p><h1>Axis of Evil<\/h1><p>In 2002, U.S. President George W. Bush identified Iraq, Iran, and North Korea as &#8220;axis of evil&#8221; for their possession of the world&#8217;s most destructive weapons, which ac cording to Bush pose a grave threat to the international order. Although the United States invaded Iraq and freed it from Saddam Hussein, Iraq is still on the verge of failure as a state, whereas Iran and North Korea can be seen speeding ahead their nu clear and ballistic missile programs.252 Despite Obama administration&#8217;s nuclear deal with Iran, Trump imposed more sanctions on Iran and Trump&#8217;s meeting with North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un at the DMZ has failed to be productive.253 The list of states belonging to the &#8216;axis of evil&#8217; seems to be growing. According to John Bolton, Libya, Syria, and Cuba all have displayed the signs of sponsoring terrorism or a preparedness to pursue weapons of mass destruction with the purpose of threat 50\u00a0 ening the United States. Later, Cuba vehemently denied manufacturing such weapons. Libya also quickly announced plans to dismantle its weapons of mass destruction. Syria, under Assad, howev er, allegedly used the chemical weapons against its own citizens. TERRORIST ALLIES CONSTITUTE &#8220;STATES LIKE THESE AND THEIR To be more precise, the axis of evil is AN AXIS OF EVIL, ARMING TO THREATEN THE PEACE a metaphorical instrument to demonize OF THE WORLD, one&#8217;s enemy. Some scholars believe that ANA: 27, 2002 Photo Credit: AP File Photo the axis of evil essentially represents Bush administration&#8217;s lack of sensitivity and forgiveness toward the innocent civilians of the so-called rogue states. After the 9\/11 attacks, the United States demanded countries around the world to join in the fight against global terrorism, proclaiming &#8220;either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.&#8221; Many governments joined this campaign, by adopting new punitive laws, and intensifying surveillance and intelligence, and Nepal too supported the global war on terror led by the United States. While the Maoist insurgency was at its peak in Ne pal, the Himalayan country put a prize for catching or killing the top Maoist leaders. U.S. ambassador to Nepal Malinowski who compared the Maoist rebels to al-Qaeda terrorists, said that they &#8220;are fundamentally the same as terrorists elsewhere-be they members of the Shining Path, Abu Sayyaf, the Khmer Rouge, or Al-Qaeda.&#8221; 254 On October 31, 2003, the United States designated the CPN-Maoist as a terrorist organization, blocking any financial assets held in the United States and criminalizing financial contributions to the CPN-Maoist.255 Behind the designation of CPN-Maoist as a terrorist organization was the murder of two Nepali security guards working for the U.S. embassy in December 2001 and November 2002. The response of Patricia Mahoney, first secretary for the U.S. Embassy, over the murders was: We have taken a much harder line on the Maoists than the European Union] and it is because we have had two people killed. If you kill our personnel, whether Nepali or American, it makes a difference. I think the Maoists miscalculated our reaction.256 51\u00a0<\/p><h1>Balance of Payment<\/h1><p>Widely used in international economics, balance of payment denotes the balance of all economic transactions between a state and other countries.1 Under the balance of payment, visible trade (exports and imports), invisible trade (services), and capital flows in the form of investments and loans, are considered.2 As the balance of pay ment provides a framework applicable for a range of economies, from the smallest and least developed economies to the more advanced and complex economies, a BOP embraces the goods and services account, the primary income account, the second ary income account, the capital account, and the financial account.3 When balance of payments difficulties build up into crises, even in the face of strong prevention efforts, the IMF comes forward to assist so that economic stability can be restored by helping to devise programs of corrective policies and providing loans to support them.4 Critics argue that the IMF policies on developing countries have instead ex acerbated the crisis, rather than relieving the balance of payment crises, since they have been designed more to help banking and financial interests in the developed world than to alleviate poverty.5 Even though the balance of payment problems is common to both the developed and developing economies, the burden caused by the balance of payment problems are far more significant and more threatening for the developing economies than their developed counterpart, because the developing countries predominantly experience rigid export structure, heavy import demands, chronic deficits in balance of trade, shrinking of foreign aid, and increasing debt burden, among others.6 In the aftermath of Covid-19 Nepal faced a balance of payment due to declining volume of remittance.7 This does not mean that Nepal did not face it before the spread of global pandemic. The annual macroeconomic statistics of 2018-19 unveiled by Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB) indicated the balance of payments (BoP) deficit of Rs 67.4 billion.8 Trade deficit is often identified as the prime case behind the balance of payment problem in Nepal. In the statistics of 2018-2019, Nepal&#8217;s central bank showed the total trade deficit by 13.5 percent implies at 38.1 percent of the country&#8217;s gross domestic product (GDP) value.\u00ba 59\u00a0 Foreign Trade Top 5 Exports Top 5 Imports Figures in Rs billion Palm Oil 1,400 Petroleum Products Rs 10.3bn Rs 215.8bn Woollen Carpets 1.300 Vehicle &amp; Spare R$ 7.4bn Parts Rs 97.5bn Polyester Yarn Machinery &amp; Parts Rs 78.4bn Rs 6.2bn MS Ticket Jute Goods Rs 67bn R$ 5.8bn 97.1 Gold Juice Rs 34.6bn Rs 4.6bn m TOTAL EXPORTS m TOTAL IMPORTS M TRADE DERCIT Based on figures of fiscal year 2018-2019 unveiled by Nepal Rastra Bank Macroeconomic update Based on figures of 12f1 month of fiscal year 2018-19 Mid-July, 2019 Inflation Mid-Aug, 2018 6.0% Money Supply Remittance Forex Reserve Rs 3.60tn Rs 879.3bn 1 $ 9.5bn Photo Credit: The Kathmandu Post In the period from 2018-2019, the cause of Nepal&#8217;s balance of payment problem was not only the trade deficit but also the country&#8217;s decreasing gross foreign exchange reserve, rising domestic credit, and declining migration for foreign employment.10 The year 2020 brought a crisis in Nepal&#8217;s balance of payment because of the severe impact of COVID-19 on Nepal&#8217;s manufacturing sectors, exports, and the dwindling remittances owing to the repatriation of migrant workers from the major destination countries. At present, Nepal&#8217;s balance of payment is being aggravated by the trade deficit. Although Nepal unveiled a plan to reduce its dependency on India for the import of goods after the 2015 Indian blockade on Nepal, the economic dependency on India is ever increasing. 60 60<\/p><h1>Balance of Power<\/h1><p>It denotes a situation, where no one state predominates over the others, and favors general equilibrium, eventually curbing the hegemonic ambitions of all states.11 Hence, it indi cates the relative distribution of power among states and assumes that unbalanced power is dangerous.12 The theory of balance of power was first formulated by Hume in his essay &#8220;On the Balance of Power&#8221; and witnessed its classical application at the Congress of Vi enna.13 Since then, it has been variously defined and redefined. Martin Wright has distinguished different meanings of the Balance of Power as:14 1. Uneven distribution of power 2. The principle that power should be evenly distributed 3. The existing distribution of power 4. The principle of equal aggrandizement of the great powers at the expense of the weak 5. The principle that one side ought to have a margin of strength in order to avert the danger of power becoming unevenly distributed 6. A special role in maintaining an even distribution of power 7. A special advantage in the existing distribution of power 8. Predominance 9. An inherent tendency of international politics to produce even distribution of power. Owing to such a wide variety of its meaning, it is best to distinguish what balance of power as a policy means and what balance of power as a system means. As a policy, BoP prevents predominance, while as a system of world politics, BoP pro motes interaction among states and averts the quest for hegemony, result ing into general equilibrium.15 British foreign policy toward Europe from the 16th century to the early 20th century is an apt example of BoP as the policy while the European state system from 1648 to 1914 is a clear example of BoP as a system.16 Those as states who are in a disadvantageous and position in the balance of power of 20 ten look for ways to form an alliance 19 against a potentially hegemonic state he or take other measures to enhance I&#8217;s their ability to restrain a possible ag The Photo Credit: Alamy Stock Photo an 61 60\u00a0 gressor. A state may also opt for a &#8216;balancing&#8217; role changing sides as necessary to preserve equilibrium. All kinds of balance of power systems have certain conditions in common:17 1. A multiplicity of sovereign states unconstrained by any legitimate central authority; 2. Continuous but controlled competition over scarce resources or conflicting values; 3. An unequal distribution of status, wealth, and power potential among the politi cal actors that make up the system. Because of their preponderant military force, great powers play the leading roles in balance of power systems. When one state or superpower dominates the interna tional system, it is known as uni-polarity. The clout of the United States till 2009 exemplifies the point. Bipolarity refers to the condition where two states or blocs of states are equal in power. The Cold War rivalry between the United States and Soviet Union is an apt example. Multi-polarity is a situation in which power is diversely distributed to state and non-state actors. Global politics, at present, is characterized by multi-polarity. According to Hans Morgenthau, &#8220;The aspiration for power on the part of several nations, each trying either to maintain or overthrow the status quo, leads of necessity, to a configuration that is called the balance of power and to policies that aim at preserving it.18 He further says whenever the fine power balance is breached by existing force or external power, the system itself strive to reestablish either the existing equilibrium or a new balance. Similarly, Kenneth Waltz believes &#8220;As nature abhors a vacuum, so international politics abhors unbalanced power [ &#8230; ] faced by unbalanced power, states try to increase their own strength or they ally with others to bring the international distribution of power into balance&#8221;.19 According to Hedley Bull, the Balance of Power proposition fulfill three functions in the modern state system: a. Preventing the system from being transformed by conquest into a universal empire b. Local balances of power serve to protect the independence of states in particular areas from absorption by a preponderant power c. Providing conditions in which other institutions, on which the international or der depends, might develop, examples diplomacy, war, and international law.20 There are different methods to sustain balance of power including the formation of alliances and counter-alliances (offensive and defensive), through the policies of armament and disarmament, by the acquisition of territory, by creating a buffer state, through intervention, and by adopting the policy of divide and rule. Regarding Bull&#8217;s first function, empire and balance of power have survived together although the whole system was not transformed into a universal empire. For instance, Eu ropean imperialism existed when the BoP was viewed as the conventional power management technique. In relation to the second function, some states have lost 62\u00a0 their independence, for instance, the partition of Poland in the 18th century and Czechoslovakia in 1939. Talking about the third function, even though BoP has offered conditions for mitigating anarchy, war is still a central feature of the system.21 BoP is often criticized for its overemphasis on power maximization and neglecting the maneuvering of the states to pursue their national interest. Even BoP does not guarantee the independence of the small states. Most importantly, BoP does not preserve peace, instead increases the chances of war. For instance, the outbreak of the First World War was the result of Germany&#8217;s miscalculation that it had acquired power equal to its adversaries. While maintaining the balance of power in the Himalayan region, Nepal has adopted the policy of neutrality and equidistance in its dealings with its two neigh bors India and China. Conflict, competition, and cooperation have characterized the Sino-Indian relations. Although the Xi-Modi Wuhan meeting of 2018 aimed to sta bilize the relations between India and China, their relation is not free from the con flict stirred by border problems, and their competition for regional supremacy and global governance. Now, their border problems have spilled over, not being confined to standoffs, scuffles, and skirmishes. The starkest escalation of Sino-Indian border dispute took lives of 20 Indian soldiers in the June of 2020. The two nuclear-armed countries fought unarmed battle using wooden staves and nail-studded clubs on the Sino-Indian Himalayan frontiers. The escalation of Sino-Indian border dispute took place, a month after the U.S. President Donald Trump offered his help to mediate between India and China or &#8216;arbitrate&#8217; their disputes. India&#8217;s reluctance on letting U.S. mediate the dispute, indicates how New Delhi wants to keep the Uncle Sam&#8217;s engagement away from the region, and preserve the balance of power in South Asia. Even though India has joined the U.S .- led Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS), New Delhi is still not comfortable with U.S. engagement in South Asia. India does not want to lose its traditional sphere of influence. It is also widely known that China has never been comfortable with the U.S engagement in the South Asian region. Both the countries decided to resolve the disputes on their own, instead of integrating an external power. However, even if both the disputing parties are eager to avert the probable U.S. in tervention in the region, they are yet to find a way out to evade such an unfavorable circumstance in the future, which may change the status quo in the region. In history, Nepal had to play the role of as &#8216;buffer state&#8217; to maintain the equi librium. During the regime of Chandra Shumsher, having assessed the threat posed to both Britain and Nepal by Russia&#8217;s intervention in the ongoing conflict between China and Tibet, Nepal committed to Britain in 1903 that the former would assist latter in the event of British invasion of Tibet. Under Colonel Francis Younghus band, British forces were sent across the border, with Nepal&#8217;s consent. Superseding the obligation of the Nepal-Tibet Treaty of 1856, Chandra provided mules, yaks, and porters to transport materials across Nepalese territory. The British presence in Tibet prevented Russian dominance and balanced the Chinese presence in the global power game, preserving the position of Nepal as a convenient &#8216;buffer state&#8217;. Instead of 63\u00a0 remaining a buffer state, Nepal now aims to become a bridge between the two Asian economies, and adhere to Bull&#8217;s third function: offering the conditions where balance of power is propelled by ideas, institutions, and interactions.<\/p><h1>Balkanization<\/h1><p>Historian and diplomats often use this term to refer to the fragmentation of a region into several smaller, often hostile, political units.22 Historically, the term is used to describe the late nineteenth century Russian policy toward the Balkan Peninsula states, including Albania, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, and Yugoslavia (and its successor states). These states were once part of the Ottoman Empire, and the term &#8216;Balkan&#8217; is derived from the Turkish word for &#8216;forested mountain&#8217;. Following the break-up of Yugoslavia between 1992-1996, the term Balkanization has assumed more alarming implications.23 Conceptually, Balkanization came into existence following the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire after the end of the First World War. Nevertheless, the process of Balkanization began to spread outside the Balkans during the 1950s and 1960s when many French and British colonial empires underwent massive fragmentation in the African regions.24 Balkanization reached its height during the 1990s with the disintegration of the Soviet Union resulting into the formation of the new states in cluding Russia, Georgia, Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kazakh stan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Another example of balkanization is the disintegration of Yugoslavia that gave birth to the countries including Montenegro, Macedonia, Serbia, Kosovo, Herzegovina, Bosnia, and Slovenia. Today, dividing the Kashmir valley into Indian administrated and Pakistan administrated domains is also seen as an act of Balkaniza tion. The insurgency campaigns of the Tamil Tigers and Kurds are also deemed as the products of Balkanization. Assessing the historical cases of balkanization, it is evident that such fragmentation has always instigated violence and conflict among the bal kanized parties. There are cases when the descendant states have claimed the territory of another on the base of religious and ethnic demography residing around. As an example, the post-balkanization Armenia and Azerbaijan witnessed frequent violence over ethnic territory and border issue. Similarly in the 1990s Yugoslavian and Cro atian intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina instigated ethnic conflict between the Croatians, Serbs and Bosnian Muslims which claimed the lives of more than 10,000 people.25 In other situations, the endeavors of certain nations to avoid Balkanization have also produced violence situation. During the 1990s, for instance, Russia and Yugoslavia used force to suppress the movement of independence in Chechnya and the ethnically Albanian area of Kosovo which resulted in the death and displacement of thousands of individuals. In the context of elaborating the causes and implication of Balkanization, Pro fessor Toynbee states, &#8220;Either the nations of the world must join in a cooperative 64\u00a0 enterprise, a united state of the world, as it were, or the more powerful nations are bound to come into conflict and absorb the smaller nations that are unable to defend themselves. In this conflict, moreover, which may result in the dominance of two or three great nations, civilization may well be destroyed.&#8221; 26 There are the several instances, however, to prove how the oppressed civilizational entities, inside the po litical territory of a big and powerful country, often struggle to come out by opting various emancipatory moves. Even a stable country like Canada faces the separatist Quebec movement of the French-Canadian population, which has, nevertheless, lost two referendums by small margins held in the 1980s and 1995. Nepal&#8217;s response to different kinds of Balkanization has been, so far, driven by its respect towards national liberation movements. Nepal was the 7th country to recognize Bangladesh, which had come out of Pakistan in 1971. While India had supported the liberation movement, Nepal was very cautious about not letting the event jeopardize its friendly and harmonious bilateral relations with Pakistan. Hence, Nepal acted meticulously while extending recognition to Bangladesh.<\/p><h1>Bandung Conference<\/h1><p>Held in April of 1955 at Bandung of Indonesia, the Bandung Conference was the first meeting demonstrating the growing diplomatic significance of the Third World. Participated by the leaders from Asia and Africa, the meeting grew out of the Colombo Conference of 1954. The twenty-nine countries that participated in the conference represented a total population of 1.5 billion people or 54% of the world&#8217;s population.27 Bandung conference offered a platform to the leaders, including Jawaharlal Neh ru from India and Ahmed Sukarno from Indonesia to come up with the policy of non-alignment. Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, and Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia who also played a crucial role in the movement, are known as the founding fathers of the movement. The conference provided an alternative to the bipolarity of the Cold War politics, when both the blocs-the Capitalist bloc led by the United States and the Socialist bloc by the USSR-were trying their best to allure the first generation of leaders from post-colonial countries in Asia and Africa. Instead of being mere Cold War alliances, these countries from the two continents prioritized joint policies in international relations, based on the five principles of peaceful coexistence, first spelled out in the Sino-Indian agreement on Tibet in 1954. These principles were: a. Mutual respect for each other&#8217;s territorial integrity and sovereignty b. Non-aggression c. Non-interference in each other&#8217;s internal affairs d. Equality and mutual benefits e. Peaceful coexistence. 28 65\u00a0 GUINEA INDONESIA Photo Credit: Centre for Imperial and Global History at the History Department, University of Exeter The underlying inspiration for the conference was promotion of international harmony. However, many scholars still believe that &#8220;The delegates to the conference at Bandung were there because of a conviction that the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color&#8221;29 The conference and its ultimate resolutions established the framework for the non-aligned movement during the Cold War. Leaders of developing nations joined together as a collective resistance against the bloc politics. The conference embarked upon a kind of psychological impact in the international arena by showcasing the strength of the colonized nations and their ability to resist western supremacy. Hence, the conference is also considered as an im portant international event that marked the presence as well as potential influence of third-world countries in the international system. The Conference improved solidar ity and collaboration among the Asian and African nations, by evoking the colonial states to struggle for national freedom, encouraged them to play a significant role in promoting the anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist struggle of the Asian and African people and ensure their unity, and debunked the grand narrative of Europe as sig nificant player in international law by identifying the crucial roles of other countries from around the world to develop international law. The conference is, therefore, re membered for having strengthened the process of decolonization, self-determination, and sovereignty, as also for providing a background for New International Economic Order (NIEO).30 Nepal continues to uphold the fundamental principles adopted by the 1955 Bandung Conference, as timeless and fundamental principles that not only guide Nepal&#8217;s external relations but also constitute a solid basis for Afro-Asian solidarity, friendship, and cooperation. Nepal has believed that these principles have played a significant role in achieving international peace, security, stability, and sovereign equality of the states31 and offer an opportunity for Nepal, India, and China to reca 66\u00a0 librate their relations independently.32. Other countries that participated in Bandung Conference from Asia were Af ghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, People&#8217;s Republic of China (PRC), India, In donesia, Iran, Iraq, Japan, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Pakistan, the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Thailand, Turkey, North Vietnam, South Vietnam, and Yemen; and from Africa were Egypt, Ethiopia, the Gold Coast, Liberia, Libya, and Sudan.33 Since the Bandung Conference, Nepal has been effectively participating in NAM summit meetings to foster south-south cooperation.34 The conference, which is also known as the Asian-African Conference of 1955 adopted the principle of Panchasheel, which remains a keystone of Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy.35 The theme of the 18th NAM Summit was &#8220;Upholding the Bandung Principles to Ensure concerted and Adequate Response to the Challenges of the Contemporary World,&#8221; which provided countries like Ne pal an opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to the NAM principles.36 Nepal has always resorted to the policy and posture of non-alignment to deal with the situation of conflicts at the regional and global levels. Nepal finds non-alignment advantageous in promoting its foreign policy of &#8220;amity with all and enmity with none&#8221;.<\/p><h1>BBIN<\/h1><p>It is the abbreviated form of sub-regional collaboration between Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, and Nepal. The BBIN sub-region is characterized by geographical proximi ty, socio-cultural homogeneity, and shared economic aspirations.37 BBIN came into existence with an aim to collaborate on the areas of water resources management, connectivity of power, transport, and infrastructure. BBIN envisions a sub-regional entity based on four significant pillars: 1. Trade, connectivity, and transit. 2. Investment in power generation and water management sectors. 3. Cooperation in energy area, in power trade and converting national grids into a sub-regional grid. 4. Contact between the peoples of the region.38 BBIN was introduced after the budding realization that the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has been paralyzed because of the rivalry be tween India and Pakistan, and that BBIN would improve the situation in the matters of trade and investment and people-to-people relations.39 Even though it is directed toward the common good for all countries, India is privileged to exercise its for eign policies. Oriented to enhance the connectivity of landlocked countries and help them integrate with global economy, BBIN sits well with the common objective of developing massive connectivity via transnational roads and wide rail networks. The successful implementation of the plan will also facilitate trade by enhancing supply 67\u00a0 BBEN of goods and services within the region, and the sub-regional value FRIENDSHIP MOTOR RALLY 2015 chain may get an opportunity to SDKCKIM BHUTAN remain connected well with glob Thong Ha al production network, offering ASSAM perks for the nations engaged to Alive C SMBand trade benefits. Given the fact that BANGLADESH MGM India was a dominant member in SAARC, it is already in a position to play a leading role in BBIN, where counter-views among Photo Credit: Republica members need to be addressed diplomatically. Bhutan, for instance, maintains a leading position in Gross National Happiness (GNH) over the common goal of connectivity and economic growth and expressed its reluctance on the free movement of cargo and people within the region. India&#8217;s demand of transit through Bangladesh is still an unresolved issue of debate and India&#8217;s economic blockade on Nepal has often triggered political deadlocks. Ac commodating the specific needs, diverse national interests and addressing the politi cal issues of each nation within BBIN is a major challenge. Although the four countries who signed the BBIN agreement in Bhutan&#8217;s capital Thimpu in June 2015 agreed to allow plying of vehicles &#8211; passenger and cargo among themselves, India also wanted to convey the message that Delhi can initiate al ternative forms of regionalism sans Pakistan. Bhutan&#8217;s refusal to ratify the 2015 BBIN Motor Vehicles Agreement (MVA) citing environmental concerns was impediment to the deal on plying vehicles even if Nepal, India, and Bangladesh have ratified the BBIN Motor Vehicle agreement. On Nepal&#8217;s part, a draft protocol of the BBIN Mo tor Vehicle Agreement has been finalized and is awaiting Cabinet permission. With the Cabinet&#8217;s approval, Nepal government will be signing an agreement with Indian and Bangladesh at the secretary level to start passenger and cargo vehicles services.40 The draft protocol was prepared after a successful trial run of two buses. The buses, with delegates from the three nations, set off from the Dhaka and reached Kathman du via Siliguri in India on April 26, 2018 covering 1,197 km (488km in Bangladesh, 50km in India and 699km in Nepal).41 On the sidelines of the 18th summit of the Non-Alignment Movement held in Baku of Azerbaijan in October of 2019, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina floated a proposal to materialize the motor vehicle agreement between Nepal, India, and Bangladesh when Bangladeshi Foreign Secretary Shahidul Haque was heard saying that &#8220;If Bhutan has problems now over its operations, other three countries-Bangladesh, Nepal and India &#8212; can start it&#8221;.42 While BBIN offers more prospect of getting connected to the northeastern states of India, it is equally advantageous for Nepal and can become a platform to lobby for use of Mangla and Chittagong ports in Bangladesh,43 68<\/p><h1>BCIM<\/h1><p>BCIM is an abbreviated form of Bangladesh, China, India, Bhutan and Myanmar Economic Cor ridor connecting two Asian gi India Kunming ants- India and China- through Bangladesh B\u00ed\u00edthet China Myanmar and Bangladesh. The proposed BCIM covers regions Jessord ?? Kolkata Chittagong which are home to two-fifth of Mandalay the world&#8217;s population. It in Myanmar -BCIM Corridor cludes an area of 1.65 million Photo Credit: Insights on India square kilometres, where 440 million people from Bangladesh, West Bengal, Myanmar and, China&#8217;s Yunnan live. This policy initiative is directed to developing sub-regional and regional corridors with the aim to further connect and integrate their economies through connectivity of road, rail, water, and air linkages.44 BCIM aims to facilitate viable trade platform, promotion of service and energy, abolition of non-tariff barriers, infrastructural development, and shared exploration of natural resources.45 Although there was an earlier agreement between Chinese Pre mier Wen Jiabao and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to establish BCIM, it was officially endorsed only by the first inter-governmental study group in the meeting held from 18-19 December 2013 at Kunming, China,46 and is driven by two primary objectives: economic integration of the sub-region and development of the border areas.47 Earlier the primary concern of BCIM was a set of three Ts (Trade, Transport, and Tourism), but the priority for tourism later shifted toward energy making it Trade, Transport and Energy (TTE).48 India&#8217;s reluctance to join the Belt and Road Forum (BRF) have led to the ex clusion of the BCIM from the list of 35 projects covered by the China-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).49 India has often expressed its dissatisfaction over the design of BCIM claiming that the initiative would let China dominate the Asian market. The proposal of connecting BCIM with the CPEC through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) was also not acceptable for India because of its dispute with Pakistan.50 There are, thus quite a few political and security concerns that need to be addressed for successful execution of BCIM plan. Despite the geographical position of Nepal between India and China, and its closeness to Bangladesh, Nepal was earlier ignored. The reason cited was the polit ical instability in Nepal when the forum was founded.51 However, Chinese schol ars are heard encouraging Nepal to join it. For a country like Nepal, which has an asymmetric dependence on India in trade and markets, BCIM forum could have been a critical option for access to the markets beyond India.52 As a sub-regional initiative, Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) forum prioritizes promotion 69\u00a0 0 of multi-modal trade corridor between the four countries through integration of multilateral trade and investment. Aimed at minimizing overland trade hurdles and guaranteeing larger market access, BCIM countries have agreed to reduce the trans action costs through improved connectivity and infrastructure development.53 Today, Nepal is often advised to draw benefits from the spill-over effects of development in the neighborhood. Since the two immediate neighbors India and China are present in the BCIM forum, Nepal could benefit as a partner of BCIM by utilizing the av enue of cooperation and connectivity as another alternative to trilateralism. Despite the reluctance from the Indian side, and limited discourse on trilateral partnership, Chinese academicians still refer to the proposed trilateral partnership between China, Nepal, and India.54<\/p><h1>Beggar-Thy-Neighbor Policies<\/h1><p>Generally used to describe the traits of protectionism, they are the policies pursued at the expense of other states but are believed to be in a country&#8217;s short-term national in terest.55 In other words, these policies embrace the economic and trade strategies ad opted by a country to exert pressure on its trading partners or neighbors. The country uses economic sanctions, quotas, and tariff as a tool of beggar-thy-neighbor policies. Although these policies are not pursued deliberately to damage the economy of the neighboring countries and trading partners, the policies are prioritized to boost one&#8217;s economy to reduce dependency on imports and increase opportunities for ex port. It was developed as a speedy response to economic depression at the national level. Such policies can be self-defeating. An analogy of crowd behavior in sports makes it more transparent. If your view of a football match is blocked by the person hooting in front of you, your interest lies in standing up and get a better view of the match. However, by doing so, you prevent others behind you from observing what is going on in the field. If everyone stands up, it will create an even more uncomfort able situation.56 Thus, if every country starts to pursue the protectionist approach, it will land everyone in trouble. The term &#8216;beggar-thy-neighbor&#8217; can be applied to several situations in world af fairs. The Global Depression in 1930s was the one which sent an alarming message to the governments to pursue similar policies in the future. In the late 1920s and 1930s, each country including the advanced capitalist states tried to maximize their exports and minimize their imports, amidst the economic crisis triggered by the combination of stagnation and burgeoning unemployment. In the late 1920s, the government raised taxes and reduced spending through the policy of fiscal deflation, to enhance the country&#8217;s competitiveness in the export sector. Since all countries were pursuing the same policy, it was not possible for any country to gain a competitive advantage. Instead, all countries would move into a deflationary spiral as spending was falling everywhere. As a result, export decreased and poverty increased. Also, governments 70\u00a0 unilaterally devalued their currency, anticipating that their exports would be cheaper for the overseas consumers, and the internal consumers would reduce expenditure on expensive imports. Countries including Britain, which devalued earlier, recovered from the depression much more quickly than those who opted for devaluation quite late. But the devaluation of Britain left an adverse impact on the U.S.57 Governments also raised tariffs on imports, encouraging consumption of domestic production, and reducing unemployment. Consequently, there was a wave of protectionism in the 1930s. Protectionism was a result of the Depression, not a cause.58 Economist J. M. Keynes believed that each country had to find its own solution, as the international economy could not recover unless each national economy were revived. The major problem was to revert the catastrophic impact of the beggar-thy-neigh bor deflations that had caused declines in world commodity prices and world trade volumes. The same concern was predominantly aired in the Bretton wood confer ence in 1944, a concern that intensified after the collapse of the gold-dollar standard in 1970s. Today, the threat of competitive devaluation is larger than in 1970s, be cause the result now is not inflation as in the 1930s, but deflation.59 The father of modern economics, Adam Smith believed that the interest of mer cantilist lies in beggaring all their neighbors.60 The best example of that policy is currency devaluation done by China which make Chinese export more competitive leading to higher export demand. Apart from China, countries also pursue mercan tilist and protectionist policies during economic recession. However, following the economic globalization of 1990s, such beggar-thy-neighbor policies are rarely en tertained by countries. Trump&#8217;s &#8216;America First&#8217; rhetoric61 is an exceptional case here.<\/p><h1>Belligerency<\/h1><p>In international law, belligerency is associated with the state of hostilities existing between countries. When two states display a hostile or warlike attitude, they are identified as belligerents. In world politics, when sovereign states take part in a war, they are branded as belligerents, and their relations are generally determined by the laws of war. It does not always require war to create the state of belligerency. Various other conditions can be recognized as a state of belligerency, including: a. The operations must have reached the situations of actual war. b. The rebels must be organized under a government which controls a particular territo ry of its own, which sees that the laws of war are observed by it troops, and, in general, which is acting for the time being like the government of an independent state at war. c. There is no assurance of government&#8217;s permanence, a matter which can only be determined by war.62 71\u00a0 Talking about the effect of recognition of belligerency, the state accepts for itself all the consequences which follow from the existence of a regular war.63 It claims the rights of a neutral state, and accords the rights of a belligerent to the warring parties.64 Any rights and obligations of a neutral state toward the belligerent may be determined by a third party&#8217;s recognition of belligerency or declaration of neutrality rather than through determination that there is a state of war.65<\/p><h1>Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)<\/h1><p>As the rejuvenation of the ancient silk route, China-led Belt and Road Initiative is an economic roadmap aimed at connecting Asia with Europe, Africa, and Latin Amer ica with infrastructure projects and investments. Policy coordination, connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration, and people-to-people bonds are the five pil lars of BRI. Initially, China&#8217;s ambition to interconnect the entire world via connec tivity and infrastructure development was named as One Belt One Road Initiative (OBOR). But the term drew flak from different quarters, as there are numerous belts and roads which can potentially interconnect the different regions of the world. Re alizing this, China started using the new term: Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China proposed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013 to improve connec tivity and cooperation on a transcontinental scale.66 Xi Jinping officially proposed BRI for the first time at Nazarbayev University in Astana, Kazakhstan in 201367 to establish a global platform for economic collaboration through policy coordination, free trade, commercial and financial cooperation, along with socio-cultural partner ship.68 As of March 2020, the number of countries that have joined the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Polar Silk Road Corridors Maritime Silk Road 21st Century Photo Credit: Official Website of BRI 72\u00a0 China is 138. The countries of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are spread across all continents: 38 countries are in Sub-Saharan Africa; 34 BRI countries are in Europe &amp; Central Asia (including 18 countries of the European Union (EU) that are part of the BRI); 25 BRI countries are in East Asia &amp; Pacific; 17 BRI countries in the Middle East and North Africa; 18 are in Latin America and the Caribbean region, and 6 are in South East Asia.69 From 2013 to 2019, China invested about USD 730 billion in countries of the Belt and Road Initiative. Among the most critical industries that re ceive BRI investments are energy (about 39%) and transport (about 26%), followed by real estate (about 10%) and metals (about 7%). The regions that receive most BRI investments are: East Asia 25%, Sub-Saharan Africa 22%, West Asia 21% and Arab and the Middle East 15%.70 To fulfill the key goals of BRI, (policy coordination, facilities connectivity, un impeded trade, financial integration, and people-to-people bonds), institutions have emerged including multilateral financial agencies like the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB) and the New Development Bank (NDB). The China-based commercial banks, such as the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC), China Construction Bank, or the Agricultural Bank provide support to projects un der the BRI. It is the Chinese central bank &#8211; the People&#8217;s Bank of China (PBOC) which sets forth monetary policy and manages foreign exchange reserves.71( The BRI agenda includes physical connection, strategies and prospects for global economics and opens new avenues for exercising soft power. The old Silk Road was a chain of businessmen who exchange goods along a corridor of trade that started in Xian and ended in Europe. Those merchants never travelled long on this &#8220;silk road&#8221; which functioned as connecting node in the vast supply chain of the ancient Silk Road. Today, instead of merchants and caravans, business firms and partner groups are eager to build supply chains connecting cross-continental borders. It will speed up the development of the Eurasian market and impact on Africa and other neighboring regions.72 BRI project has now brought several developments between China and other countries. The projects in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and rail route from China to Iran have already proven their worth. The Mombasa-Nairobi Standard Gauge Railway built by a Chinese company in Kenya contributes 1.5 percent of GDP growth in Kenya creating 46,000 jobs locally by reducing the transport cost and travel time from Mombasa to Nairobi by half. With subcontract participation of around 300 local companies this project has also improved local economy. Nehru Tim Jielu Mu Hydropower Station was built by a joint engineering team of China Gezhouba Group (CGGC) and China Machinery Engineering Corporation (CMEC) with investment of around $4.3 billion. BRI plan has also connected Kazakhstan and the North-Western Chinese Xinjiang Uygur Inde pendent Region. The overall trade between Xinjiang and Kazakhstan is now more than $11 billion annually that comprises 40% of China-Kazakhstan trade in total. Since the U.S.&#8217; Marshall Plan to rebuild post-WWII Europe, BRI is considered the largest overseas spending project by any single country. 73\u00a0 Today, through BRI, Communist China embraces a liberal economic vision for the international system in its activities, emphasizing the importance of globalization, free trade, infrastructure investment, and win-win cooperation in achieving high lev els of economic development.73 Though China has planned the framework of BRI to achieve economic development, the strings attached may bring political and security implications in the international system. The most immediate challenge for China&#8217;s Belt and Road Initiative, therefore, is to convince other powers about its long-term vision and the ongoing issues in the global chess board because some of the global and regional powers like the United States, Russia, India, and Japan may regard this Chinese initiative as a mechanism to trespass their spheres of influence. China adopted BRI only after Xi Jinping was elected as the General Secretary of Communist Party of China. He put forward the most ambitious international devel opment plan in history, aiming to rebuild the old Silk Road, after 2000 years, in a new avatar. Now, BRI aims to enhance cooperation among the countries of the BRI region, adhering to the objectives and principles of peaceful coexistence. China-led investment and infrastructure regime also acknowledges the sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression, and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other countries. With an aim to develop multilateral and multidimensional connectivity network, BRI aims to accomplish balanced and sustainable development, by embracing the principles of equality, mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. By coordinating the development strategies of the countries of the BRI region and by utilizing the market capability, BRI can help the people of many countries to live in harmony, peace, prosperity, mutual understanding, and dignity. Blending the spirit of the &#8216;Community of Common Desti ny&#8217; under BRI, with the Xi Jinping Thought, BRI instrumentally assists China to fulfill its Two Centennial Goals to &#8220;build a moderately prosperous society in all respects&#8221; by 2021, to celebrate the CPC&#8217;s centenary 74 and to &#8220;build a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced and harmonious&#8221; by 2049, and celebrate the centenary of the People&#8217;s Republic of China. While the &#8216;debt trap&#8217; factor of BRI was being variously criticized, the impact of the global pandemic has also stalled some BRI projects impacting China&#8217;s economy, and China has proposed a health silk route, facilitating trade in anti-epidemic medical supplies and collaboration in combat ing infectious diseases. Nepal joined BRI in 2017 to get connected to the global value chain. Although Nepal&#8217;s southern neighbor is still reluctant to join BRI, the Himalayan country is eager to draw benefits from the China-Nepal economic corridor. BRI projects are yet to make a headway in Nepal owing to bureaucratic hassles and delays in preparing implementation plans. Initially, Nepal had selected 39 projects under the BRI in areas such as infrastructure, energy and power, upgradation of north-south corridor, free trade areas and construction of integrated check posts at various Nepal-China border points. Following the advice from the Chinese side to prioritize the projects, Nepal trimmed down its list to nine projects75 including three on road projects; two 74\u00a0 on hydroelectricity; one on cross-border railway; one on cross-border transmission line and one on technical institution.76 To deal with Nepal on China-funded projects, Beijing has established Commercial Counselor&#8217;s Office in Kathmandu, accommodat ing representatives from its Commerce Ministry. In order to reap benefits from the BRI projects in the post-pandemic situation, it might be difficult for Nepal until the models and mechanisms for policy coordi nation and financial integration are fixed. Even though connectivity via land and air has yielded encouraging results, Nepal needs to be clear about the goods Nepal has planned to send back to China, before the Qinghai-Tibet railway reaches Nepal&#8217;s borders, because, if the rail had to go back empty from Nepal to China, it would only aggravate Nepal&#8217;s trade deficit further. Nepal needs to clarify the Chinese side that the Kerung-Kathmandu railways in loan is not an option for Nepal due to the risk of debt trap.77 Most importantly, if Nepal aims to materialize trilaterialism through BRI, it should try to convince its Southern neighbor, who has strong reservations over BRI, and convince it that Nepal&#8217;s entry into BRI is not part of a strategic partnership with China against other countries, but to promote economic aspiration for development and prosperity, and that economic partnership with China will not damages Nepal&#8217;s relationship with India.78 With access to four Chinese seaports in Tianjin, Shenzhen, Lianyungang, and Zhanjiang and three dry ports in Lanzhou, Lhasa and Shigatse, China-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is important for Nepal not only to reduce dependency on India, but also to consolidate Nepal&#8217;s infrastructure-driven development and growth.79 Nepali leaders are aware of that. As a founder member of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (a multilateral financial institution to finance BRI projects) and after signing the transit treaty with China, Nepal also joined the BRI and has now allocated budget for the Detailed Project Report for the railway line from China.80 During the visit of the Chinese President Xi Jinping to Nepal, Nepal and China also agreed to intensify the implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to enhance connectivity.81 The challenge posed by Covid-19 is still around, and government needs to be in constant consultation with the Chinese side for the effective implementation of the projects that have been prioritized. At present, Nepal is preparing an implementation plan for the nine projects to be exe cuted under BRI. Nepal had sent the list of nine projects to China in 2019.<\/p><h1>Berlin Crisis<\/h1><p>Like Germany, Berlin was also divided into occupation zones, as a result of the defeat of the Axis powers in the World War II. Berlin was physically located deep in the Soviet zone after 1945 and the Western allies had access rights to Berlin after the 75\u00a0 in and German surrendered. However, such facilities were dependent on inter-allied coop his eration. As the relationship between the Soviet Union and United States deteriorated, g the arrangement in Berlin began to show crisis.82 On April 1, 1948, the Soviet Union h started imposing restriction on the movement of military supplies to Berlin via their territory and in June 1948, it imposed a complete blockade of all land-based access S routes into the former capital of Germany. The western side responded with an airlift of supplies into Berlin, which is known as &#8216;Berlin Airlift&#8217;. By 1949, a separate West C Germany state was established and NATO has been constituted with full participa tion of the United States.83 Unlike the Cuban missile crisis, which initiated a period of d\u00e9tente, Berlin crisis raised tension and hostilities between the warring parties.84 The second crisis in Berlin commenced with the speech delivered by Soviet Pre mier Nikita Khrushchev on 10th November, 1958, in which Khrushchev gave a six months ultimatum to the United States, France, and Great Britain for evacuating their force from West Berlin.85 As the west and the Soviet Union could not reach any resolution, the Berlin wall further aggravated the relations between them. It was with the support of Soviet Union that the East German government erected the wall between East and West Berlin on 12 August 1961. It took no more than two weeks for the East German army and police force to complete a makeshift barbed wire and concrete block wall that divided one side of the city from the other.86 With the construction of the wall, United States and Soviet Union reached an agreement to let East Berlin remain in the sphere of influence of Soviet Union with the United States holding sway over West Berlin. The presence of the Berlin wall left an adverse impact on the Federal Republic of Germany, particularly on its economy and political stability of Germany. One of the casualties of the Berlin crisis was West Germany&#8217;s relations with its allies.87 The difficulty in trying to maintain a balanced German national interest with allied diplomacy intensified erosion of the relations YOU ARE LEAVING THE AMERICAN SECTOR&#8221; YOU ARE LEAVING OF THE AMERICAN SECTOR YOU GO OUT OF THE AMERICAN SECTOR THEY ARE LEAVING THE AMERICAN SECTOR Photo Credit: History Central 76\u00a0 with both the United States and Britain. German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer&#8217;s increasing proximity with French President Charles de Gaulle was a response to the same. In that way, Berlin crisis brought a fissure in the alliance, and if Khrushchev&#8217;s goal was to sow dissension within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), his objective was fulfilled for a while.88 On November 9, 1989, when the Berlin Wall crumbled down, masses from both sides knocked down the wall, paving the way for the unification of the two Germanys which were previously divided as the Federal Republic of Germany (West) and the German Democratic Republic (East) which was imposed by victorious powers the US, UK and France and the erstwhile Soviet Union. Also, Nepal extended its support to the German unification as its process was completed in the peaceful way with high diplomatic acumen and skills.89<\/p><h1>Bilateralism<\/h1><p>Unlike Unilateralism (where nations conduct their foreign affairs individually without accommodating others) and multilateralism (where many countries participate for a common goal), bilateralism refers to issues between two countries or two parties.90 A bilateral relation always aims to promote the political, economic, and cultural relations between two sovereign states. Economic bilateralism facilitates and eases commercial activities between two countries, which also helps to establish closer political relations between the par ties.342 During the Cold War period, Soviet Union favored this approach with both Eastern European countries and in regard to foreign aid.91 In the case of the west ern world, bilateralism remains a closed, divisive, and discriminatory approach. The General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) was signed in 1947 to mitigate the impact of narrow bilateralism in interna tional political economy and expand mul tilateralism.92 The practice of bilateralism is widespread in the trade domain as there are many cases at the international level where the countries have mutually agreed to lower their tariffs for a viable trade. For instance, Canada-Peru, EU-South Af rica, US-Australia, and other successful free trade agreements on bilateral basis.93 Apart from the benefit of easy trade, such agreements are also likely to evoke conflict with other parties who are excluded from the agreement. Scholars, therefore, prefer Photo Credit: RSS 77\u00a0 multilateral agreement on trade. Bilateral economic agreements usually flourish when the country has overcome the phase of economic nationalism and the option for multilateralism is delayed. Some countries may enter into a bilateral relation with the help of a treaty or agreement, particularly on defense matters, or to assure the status quo in their relationship. For example, the United States and the Soviet Union made agreements like the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT) and the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) to limit nuclear weapons mutually. Although Nepal and India established diplomatic relations on 17 June 1947, the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1950 was the first of India-Nepal treaties that founded the bilateral relationship on an unequal footing. The Treaty, signed between India and the Rana Prime Minister of Nepal, set the basic principles of bilateral re lationship by awarding substantial leverage to India in Nepal.94 Nevertheless, Nepali PM Sushil Koirala and Indian PM Narendra Modi declared on 4 August 2014 that Nepal and India had agreed to &#8220;review, adjust and update the 1950 Treaty to reflect the current realities better&#8221;.95 India&#8217;s intention was to use the treaty in ensuring that Nepal does not com promise India&#8217;s security interest, while maintaining relations with China. When the treaty was inked, weapons could not be imported from China across the Himalayas as there was no road, rail, or air link between Nepal and China.96 New Delhi believed Nepal should consult with India prior to purchasing any arms from China. The pro vision in the 1950 treaty about the import of weapons by Nepal states: &#8220;Any arms, ammunition or warlike material and equipment necessary for the security of Nepal that the Government of Nepal may import through the territory of India shall be so imported with the assistance and agreement of the Government of India&#8221;. To support its stance, India often invoked so-called &#8220;secret&#8221; Arms Assistance Agreement conclud ed between Nepal and India in 1965, just after the Sino-Indian war. The agreement says, &#8220;India undertakes to supply arms, ammunition and equipment for the entire Nepalese Army,&#8221; (Clause 3(a) and &#8220;replace the existing Nepalese stock by modern weapons as soon as available and to provide the maintenance of and replacement for the equipment to be supplied by them.&#8221; (Clause 3(b). Nepal could buy arms or ammunition essential for its security from or through the territory of India (clause 5). Also, it is unclear whether the 1950 treaty really calls for common defense. Basically, a political document, treaty&#8217;s Article II stipulates sharing the military information with each other.97 Article II states, &#8220;The two Governments hereby undertake to in form each other of any serious friction, or misunderstanding with any neighboring state likely to cause any breach in the friendly relations subsisting between the two Governments.&#8221; It does not imply that the treaty calls for common defense, as there is no mention of regular or immediate supply of information. Furthermore, it depends on the judgment of each side to determine whether its friction or misunderstanding with third countries would cause a breach in the friendly relations with the other contracting party.98 Letters were also exchanged mentioning: &#8220;Neither Government 78\u00a0 shall tolerate any threat to the security of the other by a foreign aggressor. To deal with any such threat, the two Governments shall consult with each other and devise effective counter-measures&#8221;.99 Nepal-India bilateral relations have gone through numerous ups and downs. When Nepal promulgated its new constitution in 2015, India welcomed the stat ute with a blockade. The way India issued its new map in the November of 2019 showing Nepali territory in the far northwest-including Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura-within Indian borders, was clear case of unilateral encroachment to fulfill its strategic interests. Although both countries had agreed previously to dis cuss ways to resolve the issues over disputed areas, India has been procrastinating the talks. India has not only ignored the calls by Nepal to resolve the row through diplomatic negotiations, but instead published a new map unilaterally incorporating Nepali territory. India gave no response to Nepal&#8217;s diplomatic note over the same, and inaugurated a road built through Nepali territory. As repeated calls from Ne pal were unheard, Nepal issued a full-fledged map incorporating its territory up to Limpiyadhura and got it approved by the parliament. It took Nepal-India bilateral relations to a low ebb.100 Despite the political and geopolitical problems existing be tween the two neighbors, the people-to-people relations are close and strong. The bi lateral relations are founded on the age-old connection of history, culture, tradition, and religion, which make the bilateral ties multidimensional.101 As a long tradition of the free movement of people across the borders, Nepali and Indian citizens have unrestricted access to the opportunities available in both the countries. Nepal, in fact, is the seventh largest country to send remittance to India,102 while the largest trading partner for Nepal is India. The southern plains of Nepal have strong socio-cultural ties with the neighboring Indian states of Bihar and UP, Uttarakhand, West Bengal, and Sikkim. Both adhere to the principles of the United Nations Charter, world peace, peaceful coexistence, mutual benefit, and non-intervention. Politically, leaders from Nepal and India have supported democratic movements in each other&#8217;s coun tries. While some leaders from Nepal actively participated in the Indian indepen dence movement, Indian leaders have stood with the Nepali people in latter&#8217;s struggle against the authoritarian regimes. Despite such a cordial and intimate relationship, the bilateral relation is also not free of problems.<\/p><h1>BIMSTEC<\/h1><p>A sub-regional organization comprising seven member states lying in the Bay of Bengal&#8217;s coastal and adjacent area, the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) organization came into existence through the Bangkok Declaration on 6 June 1997. BIMSTEC has five members from South Asia including Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and two 79\u00a0 from Southeast Asia &#8211; Myanmar and Thailand. 103 Until 1997, the sub-regional eco nomic bloc had only four member states with the acronym &#8216;BISTEC&#8217; (Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, and Thailand Economic Cooperation). With the entry of Myanmar on 22 December 1997 in an extraordinary Minis terial Meeting held in Bangkok, the group was renamed &#8216;BIMSTEC&#8217; (Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, and Thailand Economic Cooperation). With the entry of Nepal and Bhutan during the 6th Ministerial Meeting in February 2004 held in Thailand, the grouping was renamed &#8216;Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation&#8217; (BIMSTEC).104 The regional group aims to bridge the South and South East Asian economies, and propel intra-regional coop eration. Home to around 1.5 billion people constituting around 22% of the glob al population, and with a combined gross domestic product (GDP) of 2.7 trillion economy, BIMSTEC is a sector-driven organization, embracing various sectors such as trade, energy, technology, transport, tourism, fisheries, agriculture, public health, poverty alleviation, counter-terrorism, environment, culture, people to people rela tions and climate change. 105 Under this grouping, trade and investment sector is led by Bangladesh, and transport and communication, counter-terrorism and transna tional crime, environment and natural disaster management, and tourism are led by India, energy and agriculture by Myanmar, technology by Sri Lanka, fisheries, peo ple-to-people contact and public health by Thailand, poverty alleviation by Nepal, culture by Bhutan. Because of the perpetual conflict between India and Pakistan in SAARC, India has brought up BIMSTEC and BCIM as alternatives.106 To launch a collective response to contain COVID-19 pandemic, New Delhi tried to revitalize SAARC through an online meeting on March 15, 2020107 in the view of the highly porous and densely populated borderlands in the South Asian Region. KATA IMSTE Photo Credit: Dipesh Shrestha, Republica 80\u00a0 When the Fourth BIMSTEC Summit took place in Kathmandu under the theme &#8220;Towards a Peaceful, Prosperous and Sustainable Bay of Bengal Region&#8221; from 30-31 August 2018, it was chaired by the Prime Minister of Nepal K. P. Sharma Oli, deciding to gear up the regional process. With the conclusion of the Summit, the Chairmanship of BIMSTEC was handed over to Sri Lanka. As Nepal has been leading the poverty alleviation sector in BIMSTEC, the BIMSTEC Poverty Plan of Action (PPA) prepared by Nepal was endorsed by the Second Ministerial Meeting held in Kathmandu in 2012. The PPA intends to identify and implement collective actions for poverty alleviation in the member countries through the sharing of best practices and identification of common areas of intervention for poverty alleviation. It was in November of 2017, that the first expert group meeting on poverty allevia tion took place, which reviewed the BIMSTEC PPA and updated the socio-econom ic indicators of BIMSTEC Member States.108 Transport connectivity is a core issues to accelerate economic development in the BIMSTEC region. Nepal&#8217;s six priority projects are also part of the 66 projects prioritized by the BIMSTEC Transport, Infrastructure and Logistics Study (BTILS). The study was conducted with the support of Asian Development Bank (ADB), which identified 167 projects to enhance connectivity in the region at an estimated cost of US $ 45-50 billion. Out of the 167 projects, the study prioritized 66 proj ects. The six projects from Nepal are: 1. Link road between integrated check post (ICP) and inland clearance depot (ICD) bypass at Birgunj, 2. Kathmandu-Terai Fast Track Road, 3. Five new rail connections with India, 4. Nijgadh-Pathalaiya-Raxaul road upgradation, 5. Integrated check post at Birgunj, and 6. Major development of Kathmandu Airport.109 The second BIMSTEC Tourism Ministers&#8217; Roundtable and Workshop held in Kathmandu, Nepal on 29 August 2006 agreed to establish a BIMSTEC Tourism Working Group (BTWG) to follow up the progress on the Plan of Action.110 When BIMSTEC Film Festival was organized in Dhaka in July 2017, two Nepali Films &#8216;Dying Candle&#8217; and &#8216;Kalo Pothi&#8217; were screened.111 Apprehending the growing de mand for pork meat in Bhutan, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Thailand, Nepal also organized a Workshop on Strengthening Regional Value Chain in Pork Meat Marketing on 13-14 June 2018.112 Since, the region is susceptible to natural calamities like floods, earthquakes, and cyclones that inflict heavy damage, Nepal has been actively participating and sharing its experiences on crisis management in all the forums on natural disaster management. More precisely, Nepal has numer ous experiences to share in the aftermath of the 2015 earthquake and the floods that frequently occur in Nepal.113 The Fifth Meeting of the BIMSTEC Sub-Group on Prevention of Illicit Trafficking in Narcotic Drugs, Psychotropic Substances and Precursor Chemicals was also held in Nepal on 23 May 2018 which contributed to advancing cooperation in related matters.114 The Center for Economic Development and Administration (CEDA) under Tribhuvan University acts as the policy think tank of Nepal for BIMSTEC.115 81<\/p><h1>Biological Weapons<\/h1><p>These are the deadliest weapons ever produced with the help of rapid development in biotechnology and pharmaceuticals. As germs do not respect borders and can instantly have global impacts, biological weapons fall under the category of the weapons of mass destruction, when grouped together with atomic and chemical weapons. Biological weapons are distinguished from conventional weapons in the following ways:116 a. Biological weapons have the potential to inflict massive collateral damage. b. They can have devastating implications for civilian populations. c. Their mass impact has raised moral questions, mainly that these weapons are non-legitimate, and inhuman forms of warfare. d. They have powerful deterrent effect, making attacks on states which possess WMD almost unthinkable. e. Because of their strategic deterrent effect like nuclear weapons, they have import ant implications for world politics. Sixteen countries plus Taiwan in the world have had or are currently suspected of having biological weapons programs: Canada, China, Cuba, France, Germany, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Japan, Libya, North Korea, Russia, South Africa, Syria, the United King dom, and the United States.117 Terrorists are drawn to biological weapons for their relative low cost, uncomplicated delivery, and psychological impact.118 Nepal become the party to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Develop ment, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction after formally depositing the Instrument of Ratification, in November 2016, as the 177th state party.119 Nepal signed the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) on 10 April 1972.120 On 18 October 2016, Foreign Minister Prakash Sha ran Mahat had official ly tabled the proposal for the ratification of the Biological Weapons Convention to the par liament of Nepal. It was on January 1, 2016, the Council of Ministers had decided to proceed with ratification of the BWC in accordance Photo Credit: Global Challenges Foundation 82\u00a0 with national laws and on 23 October 2016, the parliament considered the proposal and ratified the Convention. The Nepali delegation to the Eighth Review Conference of the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) that took place at Geneva from 7 to 25 November 2016, was led by the ambassador\/permanent representative of Nepal to the United Nations in Geneva, Deepak Dhital.12.1 While the governments of the UK, the USA and the Russian Federation are the depositories of the Convention, ratification of the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) echoes the expression of Nepal&#8217;s unflinching belief in general and complete disarmament of all weapons of mass destruction including biological, chemical, nu clear, and radiological weapons. 122<\/p><h1>Bipolarity<\/h1><p>Bipolarity refers to the peculiar distribution of power between the United States and Soviet Union after World War II, which despite their deeply embedded mutual an tagonism did not lead to a signifi cant war. 123 Bipolarity during the Cold War period meant that rivalry and hostility between the USA and Photo Credit: Shutterstock the Soviet Union was unavoidable, as the two blocs left no stone un turned to expand their sphere of influence. The pre-world War II world order of multiple great powers was then replaced by a bipolar world order dominated by two superpowers, when peace and cooperation between these superpowers, according to realists, was almost unattainable.124 As the Cold War bipolarity crumbled down following the Eastern European rev olutions of 1989-91, triggering the collapse of the Soviet Union, the world entered a new age of unipolarity. Unlike bipolarity, where power is distributed between two superpowers, under unipolarity, one single powerful state exercises its influence. Francis Fukuyama in his book, The End of History and the Last Man claimed that with the end of Cold War, the history of bipolarity itself came to an end, making the United States the last actor to survive and paving way for unipolarity.125 Aligning stability with bipolarity, Neorealists including U.S. theorist Kenneth Waltz have perceived bipolarity as more stable and offering a better guarantee of peace and security than does a multipolar world, which they associate with instability and likelihood of war, 126 The World after 2008 financial crisis is often identified as a post-American world, which is more multipolar in nature,127. Unlike bipolarity and 83\u00a0 unipolarity, power in a multipolar world is dispersed among different regions and blocs. The world that we are living today is regarded as a multipolar world. Consolidated by the formation of rival military alliances, NATO led by the U.S. in 1949 and the Warsaw Pact led by USSR in 1955, Cold War bipolarity was reflect ed in the division of Europe, symbolized by the Berlin Wall built in 1961. However, after the 1960s, various factors made the bipolar model of the Cold War less tenable, which can be listed as: a. The growing fragmentation of the communist world because of the increasing enmity between Moscow and Beijing; b. Resurgence of Japan and Germany as economic superpowers; c. D\u00e9tente between the East and the West which made the power relations in the Cold War system more stable; d. Strategic Arms Limitation talks between 1967 and 1979 that produced the SALT I and SALT II Agreements. Although Bipolarity is said to have yielded a &#8216;long peace&#8217; between 1945 and 1990, bringing peace to Europe that was always prone to great wars, the critics of bipolar system believe that bipolarity strengthened imperialist tendencies as both the United States and the USSR aimed to consolidate their control over their spheres of influence. The capitalist West intensified neocolonialism. US political interference in Latin America increased, and the Vietnam was engulfed in war, and the communist East invaded Hungary (1956) and Czechoslovakia (1968) and Afghanistan (1979). Adhering to the principles of neutrality and non-alignment, Nepal successfully balanced its relations with the Soviet Union and the United States as also between communist China and democratic India. After the completion of the Kathman du-Kodari highway, the first road linking Nepal&#8217;s capital with China&#8217;s borders, in 1965, Nepal allowed India to build road sections east of Dhalkebar and west of Butwal. Even when Soviet Union helped with the Pathlaiya-Dhalkebar section, India did not object as New Delhi had warm relations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War period.128 Nevertheless, the increased Russian and Chinese Communist interest in the Himalayan periphery of Nepal obliged the United States to strengthen U.S .- Nepalese relations. 129 The first foreign aid to Nepal, in fact, was provided by the United States. A modest sum of US $ 2000 was offered in view of Tibet&#8217;s integration into China, and Nepal turning into a frontline state against communist subversion. 130 Nepal also joined the non-aligned movement and participated in the Bangdung con ference in Indonesia in 1955 adopting &#8220;Panchasheel,&#8221; the five principles of peaceful co-existence, which include mutual respect for each other&#8217;s territorial integrity and sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference in each other&#8217;s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful co-existence. In the Belgrade summit of non-aligned countries in 1961, Nepal underscored the importance of safeguarding the indepen 84\u00a0 dence and freedom of the countries that have joined neither of the two camps- capi talist or communist.131 Even, in the middle of the fast-changing global setting, when the relevancy of non-alignment is an issue, Nepal, non-alignment is still a strategy for survival as a free and independent sovereign nation.132 Thus, with the foreign policy of non-alignment and neutrality, Nepal dealt with the bipolar world order. Adher ence to Five Principle of Peaceful Co-existence (Panchasheel) further eased Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy priorities and behavior during the Cold war bipolarity.<\/p><h1>Blitzkrieg<\/h1><p>Blitzkrieg can be defined as a &#8216;lightening war&#8221;.133 A popular term in strategic studies and military history, the Blitzkrieg strategy was introduced during the in ter-war years by Adolf Hitler implying a series of short, rapid engagements against isolated targets134 carried out through aerial assaults from dive bombers combined Photo Credit: National WWII Museum with mass formations of tanks offering maximum mobility and surprise. 135 Blitzkrieg helped Germany to thwart Franco-Russian combination. Also, the lightening war avoided the need to mobilize the domestic German economy in war. If the blitz attack were successful, it would bring access to new sources of raw materi als.136 After the partitioning of Germany and occupation of Czechoslovakia in 1938 39, Adolf Hitler planned to annex Poland into his Third Reich (German Nazi State). Talks between French, British, and Russians in 1939 failed to make any headway. In September 1939, German army crossed the polish frontier and marched toward Poland&#8217;s capital Warsaw. The German air force &#8216;Luftwaffe&#8217; bombed and destroyed the Polish air force, disrupted the central rail and road transportation systems and in dustrial centers in Poland.137 The British and French were almost helpless and could not offer any help to their ally Poland, even though they declared a war on Germany. While the German armored panzer (tank) divisions rolled forward across the plains of Poland, Polish resistance collapsed at Lubin on the eighth day. In 35 days, Poland was crushed and the lightening war was over.138 85<\/p><h1>Blockade<\/h1><p>Imposed during a state of belligerency, blockade refers to actions taken by a state or a group of states to prevent access to, or egress from enemy territory.139 It may be a land blockade or naval blockade. Even air forces could be involved. The principal aim of imposing blockade is to prevent enemy forces and civilian population of the enemy state from getting access to resources and foods. Blockade is not only the instrument of the war time. It is also used in the peace time. Also known as Pacific Blockade, peacetime blockades are generally seen as as pects of reprisals and may be instituted by the United Nations Security Council, but are forbidden to individual states.140 As international law has endowed rights and duties to neutrals and targets, during the wartime blockade, neutrals must be given advanced warning. 141 Even in the age of economic interdependence, powerful countries have been using border blockade as an instrument of coercion to impose their will on the rel atively less powerful countries. In 2015 India imposed a border blockade on Nepal affecting the regular flow of goods and services across the Indo-Nepal borders. New Delhi imposed blockade after Nepal used its sovereign rights to promulgate its new constitution. New Delhi wanted Kathmandu to postpone the promulgation of Ne pal&#8217;s new constitution and get India&#8217;s concerns incorporated in Nepal&#8217;s new statute, which Kathmandu did not entertain. As a result, blockade was imposed.142 Indian blockade on Nepal violated several international laws and conventions. The Conven tion on Transit and Trade of Land-locked States in 1965 allows landlocked nations like Nepal to import goods from other countries without any obstacles. Article 125 of the UN Convention on the Law of the Seas 1973 states that &#8220;land-locked states shall have the right of access to and from the sea for the purpose of exercising the rights provided for in this Convention including those relating to the freedom of the high seas and the common heritage of humanity. To this end, landlocked States shall enjoy freedom of transit through the territory of transit States by all means of transport&#8221;.143 The blockade violated also the UN Convention on the Law of the Seas 1973, to which both Nepal and India are signatories. The convention permits landlocked countries like Nepal unobstructed access to sea. The Convention clearly states that in terms of passage, resources, and environment, &#8216;the high seas are open to all states, whether coastal or landlocked&#8217;. The World Trade Organization (WTO) laws were also violated. Both Nepal and India, are members of the WTO, which calls for trade without discrimination and freer trade.144 In 1989, too, India imposed blockade on Nepal citing the expiry of transit treaty between the two countries. However, in the year 2015, the treaty was still in force. The blockade violated the transit treaty between the two countries as also the bilateral trade treaty Nepal had signed with India to get access to the sea via Indian territo ry, and the Asian highway agreement (both countries are parties to the agreement 86\u00a0 to connect their highways for regional trade and development), SAFTA agreement (South Asian countries have adopted South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) to pro mote trade and commercial activities). SAFTA law does not allow any country to obstruct the import and exports of goods. The blockade, moreover, weakened the spirit of regionalism and sub-regionalism, as Nepal and India are the members of the SAARC and the BIMSTEC, which guarantee free trade among its member coun tries.145 In 2016, China, too, imposed a border blockade on Mongolia after the latter received Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama.146 Mongolia had asked for support from India against the transport obstruction imposed by China,147 in the same way as Ne pal signed a transit and transportation agreement with China in 2016 in the wake of the Indian blockade on Nepal.<\/p><h1>Bretton Woods<\/h1><p>In 1942 when war was still to be declared on the Axis powers (Italy, Germany, and Japan), officials in Washington were already mulling over the post-1945 economic world order, as policymakers realized that the Great Depression of 1930s and Fas cism were the result of countries pursuing discriminatory trade policies during the inter-war period.148 The Roosevelt administration had already pushed open trading regime as its primary foreign policy goal by 1941 which was also included in the At lantic Charter. Clauses 4 and 5 of the Atlantic Charter are remarkable for their focus on global economic collaboration.149 Clause 4. They will endeavor, with due respect for their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity. Clause 5. They desire to bring about the most entire collaboration between all nations in the economic field with the object of securing, for all, improved labor standards, economic advancement, and social security. In the August of 1944, the United States, Britain and 42 other countries met at Bretton Woods, which is a small resort town in New Hampshire, to draw the rules and regulations for the formal institutions that would govern global trade and mon etary policies. Although the delegates from former USSR had attended, the principal architects of the Bretton Woods Conferences were Britain&#8217;s leading economist John Maynard Keynes and Harry White of the US Treasury. As the economic and military preponderance of the United States was perceptible, and most importantly, Bretton Woods conference being the victors&#8217; conference, the United States set the agenda and influenced the proceedings. Rejecting Keynes&#8217;s idea of establishing a central world currency reserve that would redistribute trade surpluses to the countries facing finan cial deficit, the Americans successfully pushed for a liberal order based on free trade and capital mobility.150 87\u00a0 With an aim to stabilize the international financial system and enhance the spirit of free trade, the Bretton Woods System established three formal institutions: the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to oversee the management of fixed exchange rates between member states; the International Bank for Reconstruction and Devel opment (IBRD), commonly known as the World Bank to provide loans to coun tries devastated by World War II; and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which later metamorphosed into World Trade Organization, to dismantle discriminatory trade practices. The distinct trait of the Bretton Woods system was the fixing of exchange rates. Decision was taken to value all the currencies available in the world (by the IMF) in terms of US dollars, and gold was used to set the value of the dollar. It is interesting to mention that in 1945, the US held around 75 percent of the world&#8217;s reserve gold stocks (approximately US$25 billion).151 Even though the Bretton Woods confer ence was largely successful in revitalizing the international economy ravaged by war, the dollars-gold convertibility could not be the long-term strategy for international financial stability. Convertibility came to an end after Richard Nixon made an an nouncement, in the wake of sharp decline in US gold stocks that the United States would no longer exchange dollars for gold. Since then, currencies began to flow freely against each other. However, the economic and financial institutions the conference created continue to play a significant influence in international political economy.152 Nepal has been drawing benefits from the grants, loans, and assistance provided Photo Credit: Federal Reserve History PANAMA 88 agilidom luigi Bot\u00a0 by these Bretton Wood institutions. Nepal acquired the membership of International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank on September 6, 1961.153 The first eco nomic mission of World Bank Group to Nepal was in in 1963 to assess the country&#8217;s development prospects and challenges. The Group approved its first credit to Nepal in 1969 for a telecommunications project. Since then, the World Bank has provided the financial assistance worth US$ 4.75 billion to Nepal. US$ 3.48 billion has been provided in credits and US$ 1.27 billion in grants has been offered to Nepal till the August of 2018.154 Recently, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has made a dis bursement of $214 million to Nepal to help resolve the urgent balance of payments problem and fiscal needs stemming from the Covid-19 pandemic. The disbursement was made under the rapid credit facility.155 IMF has been helping Nepal to secure financial stability, facilitate international trade, and promote high employment and sustainable economic growth, and reduce poverty.156 Nepal has been a member of the WTO since 23 April 2004.157 In 1989, Nepal started its accession negotiations to WTO, and in September 2003, the accession package was approved by the fifth WTO&#8217;s ministerial conference held in Mexico. It was in March 2004 that Nepal noti fied WTO that the process of ratification and acceptance of the Protocol of Accession had been completed.158 Critics argue that in these 18 years, although Nepal&#8217;s trade volume has increased after joining WTO, Nepal has not been much successful in enhancing its trading capabilities and attain the expected economic growth. Unable to boost up its economic efficiency, and augment productive capacity and push for innovation with insufficient electricity until few years back, other factors hindering Nepal&#8217;s economic growth were labor strikes and shutdowns. 159<\/p><h1>Buffer State System<\/h1><p>A buffer state is a &#8220;small independent state lying between two larger, usually rival, states (or blocs of states). 160 &#8221; This definition includes three conditions for any states to be a buffer:161 1. Geographical Condition: A buffer state lies between two other states; 2. Capability Distribution; A buffer state is relatively small and situated between two larger states; 3. Foreign Policy Orientation: The state is independent but its neighbors are the rival states; As a geopolitical term, quite often associated with the balance of power, the term is also used to describe the small and weak states, situated on the borders of powerful states. Before the advent of air power, buffer states were perceived as a shield against the direct hostilities between the two major powers.162 The continued independent existence of buffer states usually depends on the regional balance of power. The states in central Europe, especially Poland were widely regarded as buffers between Germa 89\u00a0 ny and the Soviet Union during the inter-war JAN period. Also, Afghanistan and Thailand were Galmed Lahare C the crush zones which could delay and hinder N A Russian and French penetration into British DELHIS NEPAL India in the late 19th century.163 KATMANDU Share BHUTAN Although buffer itself is a colonial con Enpal Varanasi do Patra Lo GonaKat struct, New Delhi allegedly considers Nepal as BANGLADESH a buffer state particularly after China gained INDIA Cercattas DHAKAO Mandalay3 control over Tibet. But, Nepal&#8217;s policy of equidistance has falsified such considerations. o Hyderabad Gulf Nepal may appear small in terms of size and Walking stick RANGOONo THAILAN population, and clout and capabilities, com Chennai BANGKO pared to China and India. However, it has The Jaffna Was delle been pursuing the foreign policy of neutrality, SRI LANKA PR non-alignment and equi-proximity that distin 1800 9Kady guish Nepal&#8217;s maneuverings as distinct from those of buffer state. Historically too, Nepal&#8217;s role was not confined to a buffer state between India and China. Ancient accounts on travels of Buddhist monks including Fa-xian and Huan-xang via Nepal, and how Malla Kings of Kathmandu maintained a good trade and economic relations with both the countries, are the testimony to the fact that Nepal was a trade route linking the two distinct civilizations. 164 Only after the British colonial rule in South Asia, such linkages were dismantled. Today, with the economic rise of India and China, Nepal again aspires to bridge the two Asian giants and revitalize the medieval trade route. 165 The presence of more assertive China and imperialist USSR in the north led British India to consider Nepal as a buffer state.166 Even after getting independence from British colonial rule, India is still driven by the colonial psyche and consider Nepal as a buffer between itself and communist China.167 Foreign policy experts and IR scholars often cite the following reasons to argue that Nepal has lost its buffer status: a. After it got its first package of foreign aid from the United States in 1951, Nepal wrenched itself from its traditional buffer status; b. From 1960s onwards, it started receiving development aids and assistance from number of countries such as the USA, People&#8217;s Republic of China, Soviet Union, Switzerland, Australia, Japan and New Zealand; c. Withdrawal of Indian military mission from Nepal in 1969 following Nepal&#8217;s pressures d. Embraced dynamic neutralism in the Sino-Indian conflict; e. Formulated equidistance policy during the Cold War between the regional and global powers; f. Adopted a non-aligned posture throughout the Cold War period; 90\u00a0 g. Projected an independent status though various treaties and agreements; 168 h. King Birendra&#8217;s Zone of Peace proposal rejected Nepal&#8217;s buffer status and sought to maintain a neutral position.<\/p><h1>Build Back Better World (B3W)<\/h1><p>In June 2021, the Group of Seven (G7) launched an international economic initia- tive against the China-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).169 This economic initiative aims to provide alternatives to the infrastructural development projects offered by China through BRI for low and middle-income countries.170 It is a value-driven, high-standard, and transparent infrastructure partnership led by major democracies to bridge the infrastructural development gap of more than USD 40 trillion for de veloping countries.171 The B3W is focused on climate, health and health security, digital technology, and gender equity and equality for the G7 and other like-minded democracies.172 The global scope of the initiative extends its partnerships from Latin America and the Caribbean to Africa to the Indo-Pacific.173 The B3W is also con cerned about the divergent interest of the G7 countries&#8217; focused geographies but will mainly focus on the low and middle-income countries.174 The guiding principles of the B3W endorsed by the G7 members are: \u00b7 Value-Driven: The values of transparency and sustainability are among the guid ing principles of the initiative financially, environmentally, and socially for better infrastructural development in the recipient countries. 175 . Good Governance and Strong Standards: To tackle the challenges of climate change, degrading economies, problems of financing, and unemployment, it is eminent to have high standards. The B3W is focused on promoting the standards and principles of Blue Dot Network connecting to the environment and climate, labor and social safeguards, transparency, financing, construction, anti-corrup tion, and other areas.176 \u00b7 Climate-Friendly: The infrastructural development projects forwarded by the B3W shall be in accordance to the commitments of the Paris Climate Agreement.17 \u00b7 Strong Strategic Partnerships: To increase the impact and reach of the B3W or G7 countries, the infrastructure developed in partnerships through consultation with communities and assessing local needs as a true partner and establishing the task force with others to coordinate and harmonize the efforts. 178 Mobilize Private Capital Through Development Finance: Considering the sub stantial tremendous infrastructure gap in low and middle-income countries, the B3W is aimed to finance the projects through the development finance tools and catalyze a substantial increase in private capital to address infrastructure needs, 179 . Enhancing the Impact of Multilateral Public Finance: The B3W intends to work 91\u00a0 with the multilateral development banks and other international financial insti tutions to develop standards for project planning, implementation, safeguarding society and environment.180 Since the commencement of the BRI in 2013, the G7 countries have expressed con cerns over the strategic and political implications of the BRI projects countering the West and the rules-based international order.181 Therefore, the B3W prominently alludes to strategic competition with China framing the Chinese global infrastructure plan. Although B3W is focused on infrastructural development, it is highly con centrated on human infrastructures in contrast to the BRI&#8217;s global infrastructural agenda. 182 The road ahead for the B3W initiative is not easy.183 In line with the focus of the initiative towards climate, digital technology, health and gender, China has already renewed its claims to develop &#8216;Health Silk Road&#8217;, &#8216;Digital Silk Road&#8217; and &#8216;Green Silk Road&#8217;. Thus, B3W needs to expand its focus on human development to counter the BRI.184 Furthermore, B3W faces several challenges ahead. First, the funding obstacles for the considerable commitment of the USD 40 trillion seem very hard to meet.185 However, the G7 communique commits each of its members to mobilize the re quired financing from their development institutions, bilateral partnerships, mul tilateral development banks, and other international financial institutions.186 The White House has mentioned that the projects through their financial tools include the Development Finance Corporation, USAID, EXIM, the Millennium Challenge Corporation, the US Trade and Development Agency, and complementary bodies such as the Transaction Advisory Fund.187 As the B3W initiative aims to counter the rise of China and provide an alter native for the development projects under the BRI, the initiative holds challenges for the small states. Nepal, where the infrastructural and connectivity projects have been projected through BRI, the initiation of B3W may pose repercussions. The increasing influence of China through BRI in Nepal and South Asia, the growing an G7 Cornwall Photo Credit: BBC 92\u00a0 tagonism between China and India, deepening US-India ties, and US-China global rivalry have already aggravated the challenges with B3W in action. The infrastructur al development competition among the major powers in Nepal, as observed in the MCC debate in the country, have triggered geopolitical tensions. The geopolitical and geo-economic impacts through the infrastructural development competition with the initiation of B3W involve the risk of Nepal getting embroiled in major power politics. The origination of the B3W has increased the difficulty in accommo dating the interest of the major powers. The rise of these kinds of multilateral forums opens an avenue for the major powers to further their interests. The rivalry of BRI and B3W in the future may have profound geopolitical and geostrategic impact on Nepal&#8217;s non-alignment and neutrality. As the debate has been revolving about the MCC for funding infrastructural projects in Nepal, it cannot be entirely ruled out that Nepal won&#8217;t have to face the political fiasco again in the near future over the financing dimension of B3W. Thus, a meticulous diplomacy is required to deal with the competitive infrastructural diplomacy of great and major powers.<\/p><h1>Bush Doctrine and US Policy<\/h1><p>The Bush Doctrine refers to the overhaul of US foreign policy, embracing belliger- ent plans to reshape the world order following the 9\/11 attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon.188 It is different from other governmental doctrines, including the Truman doctrine, which was introduced to contain the spread of communism during the preliminary days of the Cold War period. Going beyond the strategies of containment, the Bush doctrine implemented assertive measures to eliminate the global terrorism. The doctrine not only redefined the conventional realpolitik by using US mili tary strength to redesign international security in terms of the US national interest, but also reflected a new age of imperialism by overextending US power overseas, or as Paul Kennedy put it: an &#8220;imperial over-stretch&#8221;.189 The Bush doctrine is generally interpret ed in terms of four perspectives: 190 1. Promotion of democratic values; 2. Threat and preventive war; 3. Unilateralism; 4. American hegemony. Bush doctrine exercised coercion to spread and promote democracy even to Photo Credit: White House Archive 93\u00a0 the countries, where democracy could hardly flourish. After the invasion of Afghani stan and Iraq, the Bush administration not only introduced new democratic regimes in the various countries in the Middle East, but also cited the reasons how democratic stability and institution-building have been impeded by the resurgence of the Taliban and Al Qaeda, against whom the US military were fighting in the name of war on terror. Prioritizing the preventive war, the doctrine believed in launching attack or war to restrict the target&#8217;s ability to launch an attack in the future. With such a deter rence, the Bush administration sought to combat terrorism by eliminating the threat before it really materializes. To fulfill that objective, United States under Bush acted unilaterally and concurrently projected its hegemonic strength, without accommo dating the interest of the other states. In that regard, the most significant challenge that the Bush doctrine faced was elimination of terrorism, but accommodating other states&#8217; foreign policy interests.191 The doctrine also demanded countries around the world to join in the fight against global terrorism proclaiming &#8220;either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.&#8221; While many governments joined, by adopting new punitive laws and intensifying surveillance and intelligence, Nepal supported the global war on terror. With the Maoist insurgency at its peak in Nepal, the country fixed a bounty on the heads of the top Maoist leaders. U.S. ambassador to Nepal Malinowski went on com paring Maoist rebels to al-Qaeda terrorists, and said that they &#8220;are fundamentally the same as terrorists elsewhere-be they members of the Shining Path, Abu Sayyaf, the Khmer Rouge, or Al-Qaida&#8221;.192 On October 31, 2003, the United States designated the CPN-Maoist as a terrorist organization, blocking any financial assets held in the United States and criminalizing financial contributions to the CPN-Maoist.193 Behind the designation of CPN-Maoist as a terrorist organization was the murders of two Nepali security guards working for the U.S. embassy in December 2001, and November 2002. The response of Patricia Mahoney, first secretary for the U.S. Embassy was: We have taken a much harder line on the Maoists [than the European Union] and it is because we have had two people killed. If you kill our personnel, whether Nepali or American, it makes a difference. I think the Maoists miscalculated our reaction . November 2002. The response of Patricia Mahoney, first secretary for the U.S. Embassy was: We have taken a much harder line on the Maoists [than the European Union] and it is because we have had two people killed. If you kill our personnel, whether Nepali or American, it makes a difference. I think the Maoists miscalculated our reac tion.194 94\u00a0<\/p><h1>Capitalism<\/h1><p>Joseph Schumpeter was the first economist to define the &#8216;capitalist engine&#8217; in his work Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy published in 1942. Against the general understanding that the term &#8216;capitalism&#8217; was first introduced by Adam Smith, it is thought to have first appeared in The Newcomers, a fictional work by William Make peace Thackeray, where he used the term capitalist to refer to an owner of capital. Obviously, Karl Marx referred to capitalism in his work Capital in 1867. However, it was Schumpeter, who framed capitalism around his theories about how capitalist engines power the economy.1 Capitalism is shaped by capitalists or those who own capital goods. Here, the means of production are also owned by the capitalists, who hire people on a commercial basis to operate these means of production. They are known as wage laborers.2 Capitalists make profits by producing goods and selling them to other people through the market, where goods and services are bought and sold. In the days of Adam Smith, most of the industries were owned by single individual capitalists, but today, they are owned and operated by corporations. In Smith&#8217;s time, markets were primarily local and national, except few international commodities, but today most of the markets are populated and often manipulated by large multinational corporations.3 Modern capitalism is a market-based social for mation because the market is the primary organizing principle.4 Historically, capitalism emerged by replacing feudalism in different parts of Western Europe between 1400 and 1800. During the Industrial Revolution in Britain in the middle of the 1700s, capitalism became the dominant social formation in the world. To some extent, colonization played a role, and industrialization too increased the country&#8217;s financial prowess. Capital is different from other forms of wealth, which were com mon before capitalism,5 A feudal landlord&#8217;s castle was Photo Credit: New York Times 101\u00a0 a form of wealth, but not capital as it did not produce anything, whose construc tion and maintenance required workers producing more agricultural goods instead.6 However, a microchip fabrication plant is both wealth and capital, as it generates profit, which enables owners to build more microchip industries.7 As capitalism thrives on the market, it is quintessential to examine the nature of markets and market systems before we can understand capitalism. Although human societies have always produced different kinds of goods and services, they produced commodities (goods and services intending to sell them) only after the industrializa tion process commenced. For instance, if you paint your own house, it is a service. However, if you paint someone else&#8217;s house with a purpose of earning money, it becomes a commodity.8 Market infiltrates material life. It turns the pig as the peasant&#8217;s bacon into the pig as the peasant&#8217;s income.9 In a market system, labor and land are quite crucial as the capitalist can hire labor and rent land for production and profit.10 Although capital ism remains a dominant form of social formation today, uncertainty looms large over how the relationship between states and markets will evolve.11 After the global finan cial crisis of 2008, even the liberal economists have started calling for a minimum state regulation of the self-sustaining market economy, so that financial instability and socio-economic inequalities generated by capitalism could be downsized.12 Talking about Nepal&#8217;s history of capitalism, capital formation in Nepal started with the trans-Himalayan trade. Even though Nepal-Tibet trade was structured by trea ties dating back to 1650, three violent wars between Nepal and Tibet brought new challenges to the trans-Himalayan trade.13 In the late nineteenth century, when Brit ish India opened a new route via Sikkim to Tibet in 1877, Nepal&#8217;s monopoly over Tibet&#8217;s foreign trade diminished further.14 With the integration of Tibet into China in 1950 and as the border with Nepal got closed in 1959, Nepal-Tibet trade came to a halt.15 By the middle of the 1880s, under British India&#8217;s influence, Ranas in Nepal started modern manufacturing in Nepal, favoring Indian business people over the indigenous Newari traders in developing trade and industrial linkages with British India.16 Rana administration issued a pragyapan patra (state letter) with the objective that Marwari businessmen from North India start commercial and manufacturing activities in Nepal.17 The first modern industry in Nepal was thus established by a businessman from Calcutta, Radha Kissen Chamaria, in a partnership with Prime Minister Juddha Shamsher Rana. Two paper mills were then established in 1942 in partnership with the Marwaris.18 Nepali Lahures, too, played an important role to capitalize, monetize, and marketize Nepali society,19 Processing plants for matches, cigarettes, rice, and vegetable oil were next established jointly by the Marwaris and the Ranas.20 The Business Companies Act of 1951 encouraged business enterprise. From 1951 to 1964, over 92 new pri vate joint-stock companies were registered. The National Economic Plans of 1956, 1962, and 1965 called for state protection to the cottage and small industries and attempted to protect other industries from foreign competition. The Industrial Act of 102\u00a0 1974 controlled the proliferation of enterprise through quotas and licenses but con currently provided state subsidies to the entrepreneurs. Tax holidays, moreover, were given to cottage industries through the Industrial Act of 1981. In 1984, a nine-point export promotion program was also launched, which permitted exporters access to concessional credit. A government-regulated capital investment unit, Nepal Indus trial Development Corporation (NIDC), was focused on compulsorily allocating ten percent of its investment in export industries. In 1984, only 60 garment factories in manufacturing were considered eligible to export.21 The overall situation changed only when the government liberalized internation al trade and domestic firm registration. The government issued a new Industrial Act, accepting economic liberalization. Although Nepal had signed two necessary policy lending contracts with the IMF in 1989, and the World Bank in 1989, agreeing to deregulate domestic market and international trade, the country awaited the politi cal change of 1990 to implement them further. When socialist policies in different countries were being dismantled with the help of capitalism, it was the right time. With the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1989, Capitalism emerged as the sole survivor,22 and many countries around the world embraced economic reforms in fa vor of liberalism. How could Nepal stand apart? After the political change of 1990, policy reforms in Nepal witnessed a paradigm shift. New reforms were introduced in finance and trade. Privatization process commenced with the announcement of the Sixth five-year Plan (1980-1985), even though the formulation of the Privatization Policy in 1992 and enactment of Privatization Act 1994 are generally cited as the turning points.23 A new fiscal discipline and taxation system were introduced. Privat ization, marketization, and liberalization were favored, expanding the role of the private sector. The government privatized 18 state-owned enterprises between 1992 and 2001, using modalities like sales of assets, sales of shares, management contracts, leasing out, and liquidation as methods.24 Until 2019, altogether 30 state-owned enterprises were divested, out of which 12 state-owned enterprises were liquidated and 18 were privat ized. Among the 18 privatized enterprises only 12 are in operation today.25<\/p><h1>Citizenship<\/h1><p>Citizenship is related to the bounded political communities that are governed by state powers.26 As the citizen of a State, one enjoys the privileges and rights given by the state&#8217;s constitution or under public law.27 Such privileges may be the right to vote, equal protection under the law, the receipt of a passport, the right to leave and enter a country freely, etc. While many people become citizens at birth, others are granted citizenship after emigrating to the receiving state.28 Generally, citizenship laws require individuals to have resided in the state for some time, speak the language adeptly, and be aware of the rights encrypted in the 103\u00a0 constitution. Thus, the constitution of the public law provides the legal basis for district residential office Amount of Nepali citizenship issuing citizenship. According to the Ger man Constitution, immigrants must be of German descent, if they are willing to be &#8212; German citizens.29 The European Union &#8212; provides a broad set of citizenship parame ters, including an EU passport and a single economic currency, the euro. It indicates the permission granted to the nationals of Photo Credit: The Rising Nepal EU member states to participate in higher offices.30 Already International Relations theorists have identified the challenges in dealing with the metamorphosis of the political communities and the scope for world citizenship. Article 10 of the Constitution of Nepal, 2015 believes that no Nepali citizen shall be denied the right to acquire citizenship. Article 11 of the Constitution states that the person falling under the following category shall be deemed as citizen of Nepal: 1. The persons who have obtained the citizenship of Nepal at the time of com mencement of this Constitution and who are qualified to obtain citizenship in accordance with this Part shall be the citizens of Nepal. 2. The following person who has his or her permanent domicile in Nepal at the time of commencement of this Constitution shall be the citizen of Nepal by descent: a. A person who has obtained the citizenship of Nepal by descent prior to the commencement of this Constitution, b. A person whose father or mother was a citizen of Nepal at his or her birth. 3. A child of a citizen having obtained the citizenship of Nepal by birth prior to the commencement of Nepal shall, upon attaining majority, acquire the citizenship of Nepal by descent if the child&#8217;s father and mother both are citizens of Nepal. 4. Every minor who is found within Nepal and the whereabouts of whose father and mother are not known shall, until the father or the mother of the child is traced, be a citizen of Nepal by descent. 5. A person who is born in Nepal from a woman who is a citizen of Nepal and has resided in Nepal and whose father is not traced shall be provided with the citi zenship of Nepal by descent. Provided that his or her father is held to be a foreign citizen, the citizenship of such person shall be converted into naturalized citizen ship as provided for in the Federal law. 104\u00a0 6. A foreign woman who has a matrimonial relationship with a citizen of Nepal may, if she so wishes, acquire the naturalized citizenship of Nepal as provided for in the Federal law. 7. Notwithstanding anything contained elsewhere in this Article, in the case of a person born from a woman who is a citizen of Nepal and married to a foreign citizen, the person may acquire the naturalized citizenship of Nepal in accordance with the Federal law if he or she has permanently resided in Nepal and has not ac quired the citizenship of a foreign country. Provided that if such person&#8217;s mother and father both are citizens of Nepal at the time of acquisition of citizenship, such person born in Nepal may acquire the citizenship of Nepal by descent. 8. In cases other than those mentioned in this Article, the Government of Nepal may, in accordance with the Federal law, grant the naturalized citizenship of Nepal. 9. The Government of Nepal may, in accordance with the Federal law, grant the honorary citizenship of Nepal. 10. Whenever any territory is acquired by way of merger into Nepal, a person having his or her domicile in such territory shall become a citizen of Nepal, subject to Federal law.31 Article 12 of the Constitution of Nepal mentions about citizenship with descent and gender identity that a person who obtains the citizenship of Nepal by descent in ac cordance with this Constitution may obtain a certificate of citizenship of Nepal with gender identity by the name of his or her mother or father. Article 13 of the Consti tution points out about the acquisition, reacquisition and termination of citizenship as provided for in the Federal law.32 Article 14 of the Constitution of Nepal states that non-resident Nepali citizen ship may be provided to persons of Nepali origin who have acquired foreign citi zenship and reside in countries other than SAARC (Association of South Asian Re gional Cooperation) countries, and who or whose father or mother, grandfather or grandmother was previously a citizen of Nepal by decent or birth but subsequently acquired the citizenship of the foreign country that such person with the provision of exercising economic, social, and cultural rights as provided for by Federal law.33<\/p><h1>Climate Change<\/h1><p>From the very beginning of the evolution of the earth, there has been gradual chang- es in the temperature and weather. Many living beings who lived in the planet got 105\u00a0 extinct and some are gradually adapting to the change. In recent centuries, the globe has experienced a drastic change in the patterns of temperature and weather. These drastic changes are the part of var ious human activities, including burning of fossil fuels and emission of greenhouse gases. The emission of the greenhouse gases is at the highest Photo Credit: Republica File Photo level in the two million years. The earth is 1.1 degree-Celsius warmer than it was in the nineteenth century.34 And, the consequences of the climate changes are severe with rising sea-levels, melting of polar ice, droughts, scarcity of water, and declining biodiversity.35 The issue of climate change has shifted to the center of international politics as a global agenda. It has been placed at high importance in the foreign policy of many countries, both major powers and small powers.36 Because, climate change has already influenced the security and economic interests of the counties. As a global agenda, the issue of climate change has played an important role in the bilateral, regional, and multilateral forums. Many have pointed this as the problem faced by global commons. The new frameworks at the level of governance, organizations, agencies, knowledge production, and models have been devised to counter the challenges of the climate change37 which are mostly trans-national. Similarly, various mitigation strat egies have been developed through various multilateral conferences organized by the in ternational and regional organizations.38 Owing to the coherent scientific consensus among the researchers and policy makers, cooperative political actions, institutionalizing the change in the multilateral forums, and resource commitment by the major powers or the industrialized states have indicated at an optimistic step towards the mitigation of unprecedented im pacts of climate change.39 Although scientific consensus on the climate change has a turbulent history, a step was taken in 1988 in organizing the first intergovernmental conference on climate change. It made a collective commitment and the Inter-Gov ernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)40 was established by the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) in the same year. The challenges of building consen sus on the issue of global concern like climate change couldn&#8217;t be denied, however. Despite of the divergent views expressed by the political actors, irrespective of the political systems and geographical locations, on the issues associated with and im pacts of climate change, there were no other alternatives in exhibiting the cooperative stance in mitigating the impacts triggered by the climate change. The G7, NAM, and Commonwealth Heads of Government recognized climate change as a global issue in 1988.41 It represented an exceptional political action taken by the states in addressing 106\u00a0 the issues of climate change. The establishment of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 1992 after two Earth Summits was another milestone in dealing with the issues of climate change, followed by different multilateral treaties.42. Also, the states have committed huge resources to the climate change mitigation adding to the multilateral institutionalization of the ways to miti gate the impacts of climate change. On a more theoretical basis, the climate change disregards the core principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity as its impacts are trans-national and go be yond the territorial boundaries and the maritime jurisdiction.43 Climate change, in the form of extreme weather and increasing sea levels, puts sovereign authority of a country at jeopardy. Equally, geoengineering efforts to modify the climate in order to minimize global warming or adjust local weather will have negative consequences, possibly creating a new source of rivalry and conflict. The domain of security has also been emphasized in regards to the impacts of the climate change.44 The impacts of climate change were ignored by the traditional security approaches, while the studies on non-conventional security threats have kept climate change at the center. Also, the impacts of climate change have shaken the economic foundation.45 As a result, oil politics and the politics of fossil fuels have once again resurfaced in the global politics. The implications on the continuous flow of wealth from a larger number of oil consuming countries to a smaller number of oil exporting countries may result in a shift in the global economic power balance.46 Because much of the world&#8217;s oil and gas deposits are in fragile or politically unstable areas, and as they are frequently at the heart of countries&#8217; economy, the push to re place them with cleaner energy sources, too, carries geopolitical risks.47 Understand ing these dangers is crucial for a just and peaceful transition away from fossil fuels. Nepal has experienced several drastic climate change effects. The melting of snow from the mountains and glaciers, floods, drought, declining biodiversity, landslides, avalanche, and changes in monsoon pattern have impacted the social and econom ic lives, energy, water resources, forestry, and environmental aspects of the country. Nepal is at the risk of losing 2.2% of annual GDP due to climate change by 2050.48 Hence, recognizing the climate change risk for the country, Nepal has actively partic ipated in different multilateral forums to voice out its concern over the issue. Nepal became party to the UNFCCC in 1994, and since then, has been earnestly involved in the international and regional mechanisms for climate change mitigation.49 The National Adaptation Program of Action (NAPA) was adopted by Nepal in 2009 as a strong step towards decreasing the activities contributing to the climate change, and increasing the adaptive capabilities of the risk communities and households, 50 In the same year, a Climate Change Council and Multi-stakeholder Climate Change Ini tiatives Coordination Committee was established under the chairmanship of Prime Minister to coordinate the plans and strategies to mitigate the climate change risks. Similarly, Climate Change Management Division was formed under the Ministry of 19\u00a0 Forests and Environment. Likewise, Community Forest Programs, Nepal National REED Strategy, and Alternative Energy Promotion Centre are among the other steps taken by Nepal to counter the challenges of the climate change.51 In 2011, the Climate Change Policy was Nepal was formulated and implemented that focuses on the mitigation and adaption strategies for the country.52 The Na tional Planning Commission also plays an essential role in formulating the strate gies, and Millennium Challenge Goals and Sustainable Development Agenda have equally contributed to the mitigation and adaptation of the climate change in the country.53 Likewise in the same year, Local Adaptation Plans for Action (LAPA) was developed to integrate the climate change adaptation policy into the local devel opment plan.54 The Everest Declaration in 2009 was also a significant step.55 The Sagarmatha Sambad, a global dialogue on the issues and impacts of climate change initiated by Nepal in 2020 was, however, halted because of COVID-19 pandemic.56 At the international level, Nepal is the part of UNFCC, Kyoto Protocol, Paris Agree ment, Sendai Framework, and Sustainable Development Goals. Nepal ratified the Paris Climate Agreement and its Second Nationally Determined Communication (NDC) in 2020.57 Despite the commitments displayed by Nepal in mitigating the impacts of climate change, a renewed policy towards the impacts of climate change is prerequisite by focusing on the ways to accommodate the national and international concerns about the climate change. Not only the proper implementation of the Cli mate Change Policy should be ensured but also the development activities should be focused through the sustainable and eco-friendly method with the promotion of the renewable energy, environment-friendly technology in transportation as well as development of eco-tourism.<\/p><h1>CNN Factor<\/h1><p>The CNN factor is often cited in interna- tional studies to refer the role played by Ca ble News Network(CNN) through its on the-spot reporting of the major international events and influencing the public percep tions accordingly. It denotes the power of media in shaping international relations. CNN&#8217;s reputation as a news agency grew after reporting the events including Tianan men Square in Beijing in May 1989, the Parliament Building in Moscow in August 1991, and Baghdad under siege in January 1991.58 American media proprietor Ted Turner introduced CNN on 1 June 1980, nam ing the 24-hour television news network as &#8216;America&#8217;s news channel&#8217;.59 As satellites were used to deliver CNN to cable operators around the country, the CNN signed on from its headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, with a lead story about civil rights leader Vernon Jordan&#8217;s attempted assassination.60 108\u00a0 The impact of CNN on international relations was candidly perceptible, partic ularly in how the Cold War ended. Because in the late 1980s, the images of capitalist prosperity were presented to the TV audience of Eastern Europe, highlighting the economic problems in the communist states. In 1989, when the Berlin wall fell, its images were circulated around the world with satellites and instant global com munications. After the disintegration of Soviet Union, popular revolts toppled one communist government after another in Eastern Europe. The news images of one uprising inspired another uprising. Likewise, when demonstrations broke out in Ti ananmen Square in 1989, CNN satellites delivered the dramatic footage worldwide and made the U.S. instantly condemn the Tiananmen Square massacre and impose a trade sanction on China.61 While western leaders encourage the role CNN factor had in the former Soviet Union, many western governments bewail its influence on their regime and its policies. 62 The impact of television images as delivered by CNN has been such that human sufferings may prompt international community to send humanitarian aid and assis tance. Nevertheless, it is also true that such TV images hardly persuade governments or the international community to take decisive military actions in ending the con flicts as in Bosnia from 1991-1995, no matter how agonizing the images were. Still, television images encourage policymakers to respond instantly, to a crisis. The tele vision news images could also be selectively controlled and released to promote mil itary agendas. During the 1991 Gulf War, Pentagon delivered the images of Patriot missiles knocking Iraqi Scuds out of the night-time sky over Tel Aviv, which created a public perception of American military technology&#8217;s wonders. However, the CNN factor has persuaded military planners in the United States that they must try to wage bloodless wars, at least on the side of America if not on the side of their opponents.63 The images produced by Nepalese television of 2015 Nepal earthquake prompt ed international communities and neighboring states to speed up their rescue, relief, and rehabilitation operations in Nepal. Also, during the Indian blockade on Nepal in 2015, just after the earthquake, the television images of Nepali people queuing up in fuel stations, and pictures of shortage of everyday essential goods in Nepal, indulged the international community and humanitarian organizations to put pressure on In dia to end the blockade on Nepal. Also, the images of Tibetan refugees protesting China in Kathmandu cities are often sensationalized by western TV channels, with out paying heed to the bilateral relations between Nepal and China. Western media and anti-China campaigners use the TV images to articulate how Tibetan refugees in Nepal have faced increasing restrictions in echoing their political concerns over the years.64 They argue that Nepali police intervene even their peaceful protests. Such images exploit Nepal&#8217;s geopolitical sensitivities and convey how the Tibetan refugees in Nepal have been barred from celebrating the birthday of their spiritual leader Dalai Lama. Western reports on the deportation of Tibetan refugees by Nepali authorities have been provocative.65 According to such reports, Tibetans are said to be under increasing police surveillance on March 10th, which is observed every year as a day 109\u00a0 of national uprising in Tibet.66 During the visit of Chinese President XI Jinping to Nepal in October 2019, the campaigners of &#8216;Free Tibet&#8217; movement and human rights activists were reportedly detained in Kathmandu.67 Nepal police also beefed-up se curity around the monasteries in Kathmandu to thwart the protests.68 Dissemination of such images to the western world, including the United States, has also influenced Nepal&#8217;s bilateral relations with those countries supporting the free-Tibet issue.<\/p><h1>Cold War<\/h1><p>The term &#8216;Cold War&#8217; was coined by the American journalist H.B. Swope and popularized by Walter Lippman to describe &#8216;neither war not peace&#8217; be tween the communist and capitalist blocs led by the Soviet Union and the United States, respectively, after the second world war.69 Even though the United States and the Soviet Union came almost close to war during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962, war Photo Credit: The New York Times was somehow averted. Still, the great power rivalry during the Cold War from 1945 to 1990 intensified arms race, aggra vated ideological antagonism, and exercised the policy of brinkmanship and inter ventionism.70 Globally, the &#8220;Cold War&#8221; was perceived as the nonmilitary hostility between the two countries. The Cold War commenced in 1947 with the &#8216;Truman Doctrine&#8217; which aimed to prevent communism in different parts of the world.71 Others trace it back to the Potsdam Conference in 1945 and western intervention against the Bolsheviks in Rus sian revolution, which was perceived as inimical to American exceptionalism and Wilson doctrine. Adversaries then avoided confrontation, hostility, proxy warfare, tension, and covert operations. The beginning of the Cold War in Europe reflected the failure to implement the principles of Yalta and Potsdam conferences to prevent hostilities.72 Through the Truman doctrine, the U.S. policy of containment expressed the United States&#8217; defensive image, which the Marshal Plan further reinforced during the European Economic Recovery announced in 1947 to rejuvenate Western Europe. During the Cold War period, American interests were expressed through the Bretton wood institutions and security communities including NATO, when Soviet aims were geo-strategically limited to its sphere of influence in central and Eastern Europe. The Cold War, thus, brought a bi-polar world.73 110\u00a0 to Throughout the Cold War period, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy was directed by the interna ts tionalist approach. Nepal came out of its long isolation, became a member of the Unit ed Nations in 1955, joined the Bretton wood institutions during the early years of Cold War period and became the founding member of SAARC. Nepal also demonstrated its non-isolationist foreign policy through peacekeeping missions. Although weak in military strength, Nepal gave vast importance to the United Nations&#8217; peacekeeping role, supported. all the peacekeeping actions, and strengthened the peacekeeping role of the United Nations74 adhering to the norm of world peace, and harmony during the Cold War period.75 Nepal also became a non-permanent member of the Security Council twice from 1969-70 and 1988-89 during the Panchayat period when it led the Commission for Investigation into the Conditions and Circumstances resulting in the tragic death of the then Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold in 1961 in a plane crash.76 Nepal responded to the Cold War bipolarity with the policy of non-alignment and five principles of peaceful co-existence (Panchasheel).<\/p><h1>Collective Security<\/h1><p>Collective security reflects the will of states to be governed by the principle of non-intervention and international law. The classical approach of collective securi ty includes the international community&#8217;s FRANCE ENGLAND collective measures to prevent aggression of rogue government.77 Inis L. Claude locates collective security conceptually between anarchy present among sovereign states and THE GAP IN THE BRIDGE the plan for world government, but Martin Photo Credit: Murphy History Wight has emphasized the military aspect, and describes it as &#8220;internationalized de fense&#8221;. IR scholars and security experts have also associated the concept of collective security with the failure of the League of Nations and how the United Nations sup ported actions against Iraqi aggression during and after the Gulf War of 1991.78 The United Nations itself was established as a collective security organization.79 Al though Cold War obstructed the spirit of collective security to some extent, UN peace keeping operations essentially enhanced the cause of collective security through preven tive diplomacy, fact-finding, and crisis monitoring.80 The idea of peacekeeping mission evolved from collective security and the common benefit of humanity advanced by the philosophy of &#8216;Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam&#8217;.81 UN Peacekeeping is carried by military forces, who assist parties in transitioning from violent conflict to peace and stabiliz ing conflict situations.82 The peacekeeping operations&#8217; main objective is to constitute a robust and resilient social and political structure, for enduring peace in war-torn 111\u00a0 or conflict-ridden countries. To fulfill these objectives, United Nations Peacekeeping Operations adopt a number of strategies: negotiate ceasefires and separation of forces; authorize preventive deployment of peacekeepers before an actual conflict breaks out; implement comprehensive peace settlement; exercise humanitarian operations and pro vide humanitarian assistance; call for the forceful deployment if all effort fails; monitor elections and human rights; remove landmines; and engage in the reconstruction of infrastructures, and oversee the repatriation of refugees.83 After acquiring the United Nations membership of the United Nations on 14th December 1955, Nepal&#8217;s contribution and commitment to global peace, security, and disarmament have been well-noted. Since then, it has participated actively in the General Assembly, UNSC, Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), and other UN bodies, calling for the protection of the rights of small landlocked states and developing states, supported the UN decisions and resolutions for the promotion and protection of human rights. 84 The most notable contribution to the UN is in the area of peacekeeping, which has been highly regarded by host states and almost all the UN secretary generals. Committed to the spirit of collective security, Nepalese peacekeepers have backed all the efforts made on behalf of international peace and security carving out a special niche in the international arena.85<\/p><h1>Communism<\/h1><p>Although the word &#8220;communism&#8221; ex- isted before Karl Marx, the communist thinker is often taken as a reference point. According to Marx, communism begins when capitalism ends as a revo lutionary phase of steady transition.86 Marx and other Marxist writers hold that once the proletariat (working class) Photo Credit: The History get the political power, the erstwhile so cial order cannot be ultimately turned into an essentially different one through a single revolution. It entails an extended period for the miscellanies of capitalism to lose their influence in that society. Conse quently, between the time from the proletarians&#8217; access to political control to the state of &#8220;classless society,&#8221; there intercedes a period of social transformation, which Marx has named &#8220;the dictatorship of the proletariat&#8221;.87 It is a transition age, a transition from the state to statelessness. The dictatorship of the proletariat is a &#8220;political transi tion age.&#8221; To a State, it is a &#8220;transition from the state to no state;&#8221; nevertheless, in this period, the existence of state varies from the proper definition of a state. 88 In explaining communism, Marx says: &#8220;All property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical 112\u00a0 change consequent upon the change in historical conditions. The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favor of bourgeois property. The distin guishing feature of communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating prod ucts based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few. In this sense, the general meaning of communism could be summed up in a single sentence: Abolition of private property.&#8221; 89 According to Marx, the state as the device and representation of class exploita tion will disappear with classes and exploitation. It will not be eliminated, but would &#8220;wither away&#8221; since it is no longer of any use, and the classless society, communism, will display forth man&#8217;s true dignity.90 People will be free and developed, employing labor. Men will no longer function as mere commodities whose labor is bought and sold in the industrial market for profit. Men become the primary concern of con temporary society. Then, such a society becomes &#8220;an association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all&#8221;.91 In Nepal, communism arrived relatively late because of its international isola tion, extremely low literacy levels, and suppression of political forces under the Rana rule (1846-1951).92 India&#8217;s independence movement became a catalyst for political revolution, when most of the early Nepali communist leaders played a dynamic role in India&#8217;s anti-British struggle.93 The Nepal Communist Party (NCP) was set up in Calcutta on 15 September 1949 under the direction of Pushpa Lal Shrestha, the founding father of Nepali communism. The NCP held its first conference in 1953, when Man Mohan Adhikari was elected as secretary-general.94 Under the leadership of Man Mohan Adhikari, Nepal had its first elected communist government for nine months from 1994 to 1995. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) had launched an armed insurgency in the form of People&#8217;s War from 1996 until the Maoist insur gents joined the mainstream politics in 2006 ending the decade long insurgency and ousting the Shah monarchy which ruled Nepal from 1769 to 2008.95 After the fall of monarchy, upon whom, Nepal&#8217;s northern neighbor, the Communist China, confided for a long, Beijing had to develop its relations with the Nepali political parties. China tried to unify the major Communist forces in 2017. But, after three years in 2020, the united Communist Party of Nepal split into three parties. When they were unit ed, the Communist Party of Nepal had also organized a symposium on Xi Jinping Thought in 2019 before welcoming Xi Jinping to Kathmandu in October 2019.<\/p><h1>Communitarianism<\/h1><p>The word &#8216;communitarianism&#8217; was first used in 1841 by John Goodwyn Barmby, founder of the Universal Communitarian Association.96 Contemporary communi tarianism originated in the 1980s mainly from political philosophers&#8217; critique of John 113\u00a0 Rawls&#8217;s liberalism that there must be Communitarianism standard constructions of the good rather than leaving them to be deter mined by everyone.97 Communitari Rights Responsibilities anism henceforth holds that the state cannot be neutral.98 Present-day lib eralism and communitarianism orig inate from intellectual traditions that Photo Credit: Brainkart stretch back to the modern liberal paradigm connected with theorists such as Locke, Kant, and Mill and theorists who have stressed the socially embedded nature of human circumstances such as Aristotle and Hegel.99 The fundamental disagreement at stake concerns whether the elements of a meaningful human life, should be an essential part of politics and political theory and, if so, in what way.100 Liberalism inclines to the position that the good life is too contested and should be best left to individual choice. Communitarianism contends that certain goods are fundamentally communal and so ought to be part of the polit ical practice. These communal goods deliver a logic of belonging and identity and are deliberated essentially for individual burgeoning.101 Instead of arguing for a universal set of vital resources and immaterial distributive principles as a standard of justice, communitarianism lays stress on the prominence of so-called &#8220;internal&#8221; or &#8220;imminent&#8221; goods: the norms and values embodied in ex isting practices, interactions, and institutions. 102 This ought to be the foundation for justice. The communitarian argument also makes descriptive and normative claims. The descriptive claim sheds light on persons&#8217; nature and the role of culture and com munity in shaping personal identity.103 The descriptive claim is intertwined with the normative dimension. Communitarianism ascended to the liberal theory advanced by theorists such as Rawls, Brian Barry, and Dworkin since the 1970s. These authors claim that rights protect and improve the individual capability to choose the kind of life that citizens believe valuable, as long as it does not violate the rudimentary free doms and rights of co-citizens.<\/p><h1>Concept of Development<\/h1><p>The notion of development is practically as old as civilization. Its widespread use in western civilizations dates to the days of the Greco-Roman civilizations.104 While Leibniz (1646-1716) initiated the concept of infinite progress, other modern philos ophers including Hegel, Condorcet, Kant, and Marx freed the idea of development from the philosophical underpinnings and took it to pragmatic realm. But the idea associated with the possibility of infinite progress wan not withdrawn.105 Today, in the contemporary world, the growing transmission of development 114\u00a0 notions and policies allows the last six\/seven decades to be desig ties nated as the era of development. The origin of this period can be positioned to the first half of the 20th century, possibly in the Har ry S. Truman&#8217;s international pol icy, when he decided to prolong ho the technical help presented to Background some Latin American and other ats less-favored states. Many states Photo Credit: RSS Ry became independent after the Second World War with the commencement of de OF colonization. With the presence of countries facing different layers of development106 the problems of global inequality and the need for development in what was then ds called the Third World was realized. The development question took on new forms t in December 1964 with the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development re (UNCTAD). This organization was formed with an objective to bridge the gap be tween rich and poor countries an agenda which was missed in the objectives of the or ganizations established after the Second World War. Another international landmark and in development question took place in 1968, with the creation of the Rome Club.107 Though many initiatives were taken to answer the questions of development T between the end of the decade and the start of the new millennium, globalization be came the most crucial phenomenon in deliberations and replications on global prob lems of politics, economy, society, culture and, environment. Among other aspects, the extraordinary expansion of information in many societies&#8217; daily lives came into force as an influential standard for the so-called Society of Information and Knowl edge. 108 This favored proliferation of the western knowledge on development, which brought a new complexity and challenges for researchers in the field of development. 109 In response to the challenges, intellectuals use Social Darwinism to elucidate development as a process of evolutionary succession in stages, where human societies leave an elementary model until they reach a western industrialized level of con sumption.110 Nevertheless, some describe development as synonymous to economic growth. However, critics argue that understanding and imagining development as a modest synthetic illustration of growth is not appropriate.111 Consequently, a common subject within most definitions is that &#8216;development&#8217; incorporates &#8216;change&#8217; in a diversity of human conditions. One of the most straightfor ward definitions of &#8216;development&#8217; is perhaps Robert Chambers&#8217; idea of &#8216;good change&#8217;. It educates all sorts of questions about what is &#8216;good&#8217; and what sort of &#8216;change&#8217; mat ters, about the part of values, and whether &#8216;bad change&#8217; is also regarded as a form of development.112 The first conceptualization is that &#8216;development&#8217; is a course of structural societal change.113 A second standpoint on &#8216;development&#8217; approach is &#8216;a 115\u00a0 vision or measure of progressive change&#8217;.114 The critical facet of development for post-modernists&#8217; development (and poverty) is a social construct that does not exist in an objective sense outside of the discourse and whose reality one can &#8216;know&#8217; only through discourse. In this method, there is no such thing as &#8216;objective reality&#8217;.115 Moreover, one of the principal aspects of development in the contemporary world is sustainable development. The word &#8220;sustainable development&#8221; appeared in the late 1970s and was unquestionably consolidated in 1987 by the Brundtland Commis sion. Sustainable development is a transformation procedure in which the utilization of resources, direction of investments, technological development, and institutional change are reassigned and strengthened.116 Despite its multidimensionality, the whole idea is disputed in Nepal. There is a change on the emphasis of development from servicing needs to building of indi viduals and communities&#8217; ability to comprehend, claim, and accomplish their rights. Congruently the Nepali citizens seem to be more watchful of their rights than the civic duties. Such a component of the problem is not conveyed into development and political discourse. As such, Nepal&#8217;s history of development earlier and in the post-conflict phase is full of contestation, discrepancies, and misperception and often deeply (mis)guided.117 Today&#8217;s Nepal understanding about development has been con strained by the connectivity-driven development and infrastructure-laden prosperity. Centered on Nepal&#8217;s infrastructural development through economic diploma cy, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy aims to attract foreign aid and assistance, highlighting ex port-oriented trade, foreign investment, technological transfer, tourism, FDI, and foreign employment, and is motivated by enticing multilateral and regional assis tance.118 All of this, however, looks less than a holistic strategy which cannot ignore the other side of the problem, the domestic dimension or self. Changing the param eters of development demands that the informal aspects of development must be simultaneously attended to.119<\/p><h1>Concept of Embedded Liberalism<\/h1><p>In the context of reshaping the global economy following the political and economic chaos of the 1920s, the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the consequences of the Second World War, policy makers in Europe and America had a collective realization that open markers and liberal values have no alternatives. 120 To accomplish all this, policymakers and scholars reconsidered the principles of Embedded Liberalism. The objective was to embed and legitimize the governance of financial markets, transna tional corporations, and the rules of international organizations. 12.1 The fundamental principle of Embedded Liberalism is the need to legitimize in ternational markets by integrating them with the social values and shared institutional practices. This principle suggests the need to bridge gaps in firms&#8217; governance that generate, buy, and trade everywhere globally,122 as well as the need to balance, domes 116\u00a0 tically and internationally, the profits of internationalized financial markets with their considerable risks; to share the rewards and costs of the disruptions produced by inter nationalized markets across the national borders, and safeguard that global governance is grounded on multilateral deliberation among states whose leaders believe that the encouragement of their voices echoes their place in a multipolar world.123 After the end of the Second World War, the international order had to reconcile an open world economy with states&#8217; dynamic role within their domestic economies, re flecting a general reversion of the significance formerly rendered to economic concerns internationally.124 Critical theorists of International Political Economy (IPE) have pro claimed that this embedded liberalism or (in its national aspect) welfare capitalism has reached to a condition, where the free market is substituted by the regulated market, and the laissez-faire state by the interventionist state. 125 The embedded liberalism of the postwar period was, thus, irrefutably different in the extent of social security and po litical integration it gave to workers and their mass organizations and parties; different, therefore, also from both the social and international organizations prevailing in the interwar period and from the current phase of neoliberal globalization.126 In dealing with its philosophical origin, The Great Transformation (1944), by Karl Po lanyi differentiated &#8220;embedded&#8221; from &#8220;disembedded&#8221; economic orders. In Polanyi&#8217;s understanding of history, economic orders had continuously redirected the principles and values of the societies in which they were situated. Only in the mid-nineteenth century was the notion of an economy that was somehow separate from society as an assembly of markets with its inevitable principles and logic, invented and cultivated. This notion, which informed classical liberalism, was not only fresh but revolution ary. The previous economic orders had been &#8220;embedded&#8221; in social and political rela tions; the contemporary liberalism disembedded national markets, soon afterwards, cross-border markets, and eventually global markets.127 The formulation in a 1982 article by John G. Ruggie as a leading interpretation of the postwar international economy, focused on reconciliation of market and society. Ruggie understood the compromise of embedded liberalism as: &#8220;unlike the economic nationalism of the thirties, it would be multilateral in character; unlike the liberalism of the gold standard and free trade, its multilateralism would be predicated upon domestic interventionism,&#8221;128 which would take the socially disruptive effects of markets into account without eradicating the welfare and efficiency gains resulting from cross-coun try trade. Sophisticated modelling ensured that Embedded Liberalism produced better long-term economic performance and social protection than its laissez-faire predeces sor.129 It was thus Embedded Liberalism that made possible the current era of global ization through its embedded market practices, assuring people that hazards of market would be taken into consideration by appropriate policy choices.130 117<\/p><h1>Concept of Exploitation<\/h1><p>Exploitation is largely understood in economic terms. Marxist examination of ex- ploitation, and those endorsing Marxist critiques of society, characteristically high light this dimension to define the relationship between workers and the elite owners of capital or between the worker and society. Marxists hold that workers in the capitalist state are not free to pursue satisfactory labor compensation. The capitalist&#8217;s profit describes the extent of the worker&#8217;s under-compensation. This economic entitlement is classically shared with a philosophical prerogative that, in working for another, the worker must alienate and portray the labor, a procedure with disturbing psycholog ical significances. Thus, exploitation precedes both, the early capitalism that Marx specifies and is extensive in contemporary workplaces and market exchanges.131 Exploitation is a relationship in which one party uses power to advance at the expense of another. This is a central instrument through which categorical differences are turned into inequalities, and conflicts around those inequalities progress.132 More strictly, under exploitative relations, some actor(s) A stimulates power they have over some other actor(s) B to appropriate organizational resources in such a way that A gains and B loses. Therefore, the advantage attained by A comes at the expenditure of B, and the simplifying situation for this is a power imbalance among A and B. Exploitation follows from a power imbalance when A practices his\/her relational power to extract resources from B. A&#8217;s inclination to use this power to exploit B is decidedly higher when A sees B as in a categorically diverse social group. This is no small matter because pow er imbalances are significantly more likely when categorical dissimilarities desensitize B, culturally and morally authorizing and encouraging exploitation. In the traditional Marxian form of exploitation, A is a capitalist and B a worker.133 Categorical divisions tend to both create and morally legitimate power differentials and these power-differ entials enable exploitation. The fundamentals of this process can be understood in two ways. First, exploita tion is an association in which one actor benefits at the expense of another. The expres sion at the expense of is vital as it means that it is not merely an unequal relationship but that the advantages of the exploiter are causally dependent upon the exploited losses. For the exploiter to benefit, the exploited must fail. This attaches inequality more in tensely to an actual, objective social relationship between two parties, not just one party having more than another. Consequently, exploitation is not identical with inequality but is a procedure through which the gains of some depend upon others&#8217; losses.134 A second element of the definition is that the exploiters&#8217; advantages are their power over others. The instrument for extracting economic advantages from others is that exploit ers exercise relational power over the exploited, allowing them to take more than they otherwise would or could from them. This power concept is not antagonistic, but it dramatically increases the exploitation process beyond the traditional Marxian version. Marx and neo-Marxists have claimed that exploitation occurs through a specific form 118\u00a0 of power: ownership and control of the means of production.135 Inequality regimes within organizations or states are produced through and gener ate exploitation between more and less powerful actors. Exploitation can be inscribed into the social relations between capital and labor, men and women, managers and workers, Whites and Blacks, citizens and non-citizens, insiders, and outsiders, namely, the powerful and powerless.136 Also, inequalities in the distribution of state possessions that states can accrue are produced through market exploitation. Some states or orga nizations have greater market power than others because of inadequate competition, categorical modifications between organizational owners\/managers, or network posi tionality among firms, and they can translate their market power into gains for them selves at the expense of buyers or sellers.137 Our conceptualization of exploitation thus discovers the process within organiza tions and between them and elaborates the concept beyond the traditional capital-labor relationship. Any categorical difference can be changed into a power differential rela tionship that enables exploitative transferals of income. These transfers then explain the inequalities within and between organizations. At the core of distributional inequality is thus the exploitation of the less powerful actors by the more powerful institutional circumstances that permit or encourage such exploitation.138<\/p><h1>Concept of Failed State<\/h1><p>The idea of state failure came to prominence in the early 1990s. So malia&#8217;s events, where the nation al state altogether ceased to exist, played a crucial role in determining IR scholars&#8217; thinking about states and state&#8217; failure&#8217;. Though academ ic debates about &#8216;failed states&#8217; origi nated in the early 1990s, the idea of &#8216;state failure&#8217; has been related to in Photo Credit: Brookings ternational relations&#8217; political econo my for centuries. Colonial occupants seriously perceived the problem of state failure. Powerful states often intervene in low, weaker states to stem social disorder that possibly threatens their security and trade welfares and the state&#8217;s weakness also provided them with an opportunity to expand their territory.139 Helman and Ratner (1993) were amongst the first analysts to use and apply the term &#8216;failed state&#8217;. They were troubled about &#8220;a disturbing new phenomenon&#8221; whereby a state became &#8220;completely unable of supporting itself as a member of the 119\u00a0 international community&#8221;. 140 They contended that a failed state would &#8220;imperil their citizens and threaten their neighbors through refugee flow, political instability and random warfare&#8221;.141 State failure can assume many forms such as security, income distribution, economic development, political representation, etc. Sometimes, the absolute intensity of violence does not outline a failed state. Instead, it is the continu ing character of that violence (as in Burundi, Angola, and Sudan), the course of such violence against a prevailing government or regime, and the dynamic character of the political or geographical nature demands a specific form of power or autonomy to justify or validate that violence. 142 Also, the indicator of failed state is related to their incapability to control their borders.143 Thus, there are numerous ways of identifying and defining the failed state. Generally, the expressions &#8216;state failure&#8217; or &#8216;failed state&#8217; is inappropriate since they imply an &#8216;end state&#8217; situation in which the &#8216;failure&#8217; reaches in final form. The word &#8216;failing state&#8217; is slightly more suitable as it proposes a failing process and better fits the outlook of a continuum along which augmented weakening of the state governing capacity occurs.144 Historical evidence bears out that the process of state formation is perforated by conflict, violence and uncertainty in the process of institution building as groups contest to create positions of power and legitimacy. However, these three factors also can lead a state toward failure. Therefore, to elucidate the notion of &#8220;Failed State&#8221;, five big ideas have prevailed in international relations and political science litera ture. First is the prerequisite view of development. This approach claims that liberal markets and transparent, accountable states with bureaucracies with classic Weberi an structures are an essential input for successful economic development. The per sistence of corrupt, clientelist, and patrimonial states is seen in this opinion at best as anti-developmental and at worst as a trigger for predatory state action and violent reaction among both state and non-state factions.145 Another is the liberal outlook on war and violence, which suggests that economic liberalization and democracy endorse peace. In the liberal view, war is permanently damaging in its motives and significance and signifies &#8216;development in reverse&#8217;.146 A third view develops the impression that clientelist and patrimonial states, while pos sibly not developmental, are decisively constructed by elites to endorse their interests in capital accumulation and maintaining power.147 The fourth view is that states&#8217; disentanglement is closely related to the nature of the so-called &#8216;new wars&#8217;. The ad vocates of the &#8216;new war&#8217; proposition claim that contemporary wars are different from ancient wars in their warfare method, their financing and their causes. In this view, new wars can be understood only in the context of globalization, where the difference between war and organized crime is indistinct, and war financing relies more on the web of legal and illegal global systems.148 Lastly, the &#8216;resource curse&#8217; argument, which is the notion that abundance of natural resources, particularly oil, causes low growth and increases the intensity, incidence, and duration of conflict, has been a significant part of the state failure literature,149 120\u00a0 The different kinds of outlook on state failure provide us with new ways of thinking about peace, order, and development. States and state institutions have been &#8216;rediscovered&#8217; by financial institutions, aid agencies, diplomats and militaries of the Western states and intergovernmental bodies. The failed state idea has helped recognize and highlight genuine problems. The idea has drawn attention also to state institutions&#8217; important role in development efforts, in peace processes, and in con sidering the bases of global insecurity.150 In the Nepali context, when the Himalayan country was struggling to take its peace process to a logical conclusion and start the process of state restructuring following the abolition of monarchy in 2008, Nepal&#8217;s attempts were pessimistically perceived as an act of a &#8220;failed state&#8221;. But, by devising appropriate institution and taking peace process to a logical conclusion, and after having drafted a new constitution, Nepal escaped such a fate.<\/p><h1>Concept of Political Risk<\/h1><p>The idea of political risk was presented as an element of state risk to explain the reasons for a state&#8217;s insolvency, not directly connected to financial\/economic aspects. Partially due to its essentially interdisciplinary character, political risk as such has been abandoned as a theme of revision in the milieu of academic political science, notwithstanding the tradition of scholarships on the variously defined notion of &#8220;po litical instability&#8221;.151 In the 1960s, when financial and economic actors began to work on the theme of state risk examination, the political situation worldwide was imbued by two multi faceted and interlinking phenomena: the Cold War, with the philosophical difference amongst capitalism and socialism, and the end of decolonization. The probability of events such as the 1956 Suez crisis or the 1960 Congolese episodes suddenly changed the political and business environment. Political risk, nevertheless, occasionally also surfaced as &#8220;noneconomic risk&#8221; mainly reflected as a feature of e &#8220;underdeveloped&#8221; or &#8220;modernizing&#8221; states. 152 The decade of 1970s was marked by two actions that made global economy face substantial risk: the 1973 oil-shock and the 1979 Iranian revolution, which added the element of political risk to economic domain. The 1980s introduced another dimension: debt management by host states. During the 1990s, as a substitute, and even more so after the attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City, terrorism became an issue of critical concern for international investors.153 The following definitions are often taken into consideration to understand the idea of political risk:154 \u00b7 Political risk as unsolicited government interference with business operations; 121\u00a0 . Political risk as to the possibility of disturbance of the operations of Multina tional Enterprises (MNEs) by political forces or actions; 155 \u00b7 Political risk as incoherence in the business environment originating from political change, which can affect the profits or the aims of a firm; \u00b7 Political risk associated with political instability and fundamental political change in the host state. 156 Political risk analysis overlaps frequent disciplines that address the relationship be tween state and non-state economic actors. Among the scholars concerned with de velopmental politics and economics, political economists concerned with the issues of trade, investment and the activities of the multinational enterprise, and scholars of international business exploring risk and risk exposure and their effects upon the overseas actions of organizations, have all contended with the problem of political risk. The ubiquity of political risk elucidates its empirical existence despite its con ceptual absenteeism in the scholarship of IR. 157 Usually understood as an invention that grows out of cross-border actions, politi cal risk is closely linked to the state system and its organizing principle of sovereignty. Since 1648, sovereignty has been the guiding norm of the Westphalian system, re straining the juridical possibility of regulatory orders, property, and individual rights, and revealing individuals, commercial actors, and state causes to the notions of risk that rise from communitarian-based social, political, and economic orders.158 IR scholars have infrequently recognized this sub-field even though its evolu tion has brought sweeping changes in a global society&#8217;s academic study in many re spects. Over the years, political risk analysts have extended their analyses beyond its confinement to overseas corporate expansion.159 As its possibility has broadened to integrate the concerns of a diverse range of actors besides MNEs, it has also created a progressively sophisticated set of methodological techniques to recompense for the disadvantages of earlier generations of political risk analysis. Today, the lens of politi cal risk is also preferred by avarious aid agencies, NGOs, international organizations, and governmental bodies. 160<\/p><h1>Concert of Powers<\/h1><p>A concert is an international institution or a security regime for high-level diplomatic cooperation among the great powers. It is comparatively durable, and institutional ized framework of cooperation.161 It is the outcome of a convergence of thoughtful cooperative approaches or strategies on the part of the great powers. The critical prin ciple for defining the post-Napoleonic era as a &#8220;concert&#8221; and as an era of an &#8220;unusual ly high and self-conscious level of cooperation&#8221; is related to war avoidance among the 122\u00a0 great powers or to crisis prevention or to a &#8220;restrained&#8221; behavior, or joint diplomacy, settlement of disputes, and co-management of the international system.162 An example of the Concert of Powers in world history is the Concert of Europe, which retained peace among the great European powers from the Napoleonic wars to the Crimean war in 1854.163 In the &#8220;Concert&#8221;, due to the enervation after more than two decades of almost long-lasting fighting, and due to the fear that great power war would shatter the old order that Concert participants were determined to reserve, members not only refused a war, but also a. Principles of mutual solidarity, restraint, cooperation, and the critical norm Pacta sunt servanda were preserved in practices and re-confirmed during recurrent conferences. 164 The classic case of Concert was thus driven by the shared experience of more than twenty years of almost unceasing warfare against each other. This is not the case today. The question then becomes: what could lay the foundation of cohesion today that would make the cooperation of great powers tick. There are three partial responses to this question. First, transnational terrorism has emerged as a common threat that is disturbing enough to validate cooperation while probably not as signif icant as a large-scale interstate warfare. More interstate collusion against terrorism, including the exchange of sensitive information, has been taking place among great powers after 9\/11 than people would have expected (cooperation might have become even more intense without the fallacies of President Bush&#8217;s policies).165 Second, to day&#8217;s economic interdependence is way beyond the modest trans-border exchange driving the classical Concert time. Thirdly, other areas of global interdependence such as environment, health, energy etc., are also crying out for a supervisory frame work.166 Finally, while the scope for a major war looks remote, the spectra of the catastrophic consequences of a modern war involving two or more significant powers &#8211; possibly escalating up to the nuclear level &#8211; may be sobering enough to seek some fundamental cooperation in the security field if for no other purpose than that of averting a global holocaust from happening.167 The Concert would consequently be entrenched within a broader framework of multilateralism. It would help avert the ultimate common bad, a great power war, and facilitate cooperation in other areas. Therefore, any demands it requires would not mean unacceptable expenses for member and non-member states; on the contrary, constructing a new fo rum for excellent power cooperation would serve their long-term interests. A 21st Century Concert would thus very likely also improve the efficiency of global (security) governance and deepen the culture and practices of cooperation. 168 Photo Credit: Oriental Review 123\u00a0 There are, however, not many models extant to enhance and facilitate great pow er multilateralism. The Concert is one such model, and a first sketch, such as the one attempted here, and it might be worthwhile to use it as a template to manage the existing power relations with some amendments. Primarily, it requires behavioral changes, not revolutions in deep-seated, long-term vital interests, only small recon structions. 169 It accommodates the &#8220;satisfaction&#8221; element that is crucial once tectonic changes of power relations are underway. It can also obtain legitimacy beyond the current state of the world if care is taken to grant some representativity and respect the concerns of more diminutive members of the international system. The domestic front, in the end, may put the crucial question mark.170<\/p><h1>Cosmopolitanism<\/h1><p>Cosmopolitanism is a concept that comprehends all human beings on a universal scale.171 Its equivalent in Greek, cosmopolis, can be lexically divided into cosmos, a nat ural universal order, and polis, society&#8217;s adaptable order.172 Cosmopolites in Ancient Greece implied citizens of the world. As such, Cosmopolitanism harbors a positive attitude towards equal and peaceful global communities of citizens who should connect across cultural and social borders, forming a Universalist solidarity.173 Cosmopolitanism call for preserving and defending the plurality of cultures and to provide a foundation for the coexistence of these cultures. These dissimilar cultures may be morally signifi cant, but they are not morally limited. This non-exclusiveness permits us to identify the foundation of a cosmopolitan attitude to normative international theory. The core objective of cosmopolitanism thrives on the Kantian conception that a violation, or wrong, in one place should be felt in all others.174 It pursues to inten sify the sensitivity of people in the interest of the achievement of global justice. The sphere of the common good would be protracted beyond the state&#8217;s limitations with the recognition that individual rights are located within each human being, rather than in connection to some greater whole.175 The military takeovers of Alexander the Great (356-323 BC) unlocked the con ditions for the presence of a &#8220;world empire&#8221; that was purportedly intended at uniting East and West into an enlightened commonwealth. Greek turned out to be the lingua franca of the Hellenistic age (4th-1st century BC), which lasted until Roman hege mony.176 Though cosmopolitanism was a topic for Greek philosophers before Sto icism, the school of philosophy recognized in Athens by 300 BC schematized cosmo politan theories advancing visions such as that of a world city (an ideal state, where everybody would be a citizen). Stoics contributed to criticizing Greek ethnocentrism towards barbarians and nurtured a sense of brotherhood, an image of humankind transmitted to Romans and preexisted Christianity&#8217;s prerogatives to universalism. Since the Roman Empire through Medieval Europe, cosmopolitanism delivered on to various political and intellectual elites. The Christian church played a prominent 124\u00a0 role in reproducing cosmopolitan ideals and apparatuses by forming transcultural, sacred, imagined communities, and disseminating Latin as the language of global European power.17 Some of the central historical practices of long duration that strengthened cosmo politanism were related to the establishment of modernity, a civilization of cosmopol itan ideas and forces, which enhanced the consciousness of diversity by constructing larger imagined communities.178 Sixteenth-century European enlargement gave the world capitalist system a new impulse by incorporating new areas and populaces and established global colonialism by increasing the number of images and contact with exotic others. Science, technology, and reason instigated their path to hegemony in the construction of universalizing discourses. Market places and urban centers developed with citizens who experienced new forms of individuality, etiquette, and public space seeking new secular ideologies and modes of republican, democratic governments.179 In the decades around and after the 1970s, under the influence of new philo sophical underpinnings, nation-states were observed as a homogenizing force by an ascending postmodern critique tired of the Enlightenment&#8217;s Universalist metanarra tives based on discursive mediums, such as progress, exemplified by contemporary nation-states.180 French-inspired Postmodernism hit mainstream academia, especially in the 1980s and &#8217;90s, in the United States, preferring ideas of global heterogeneity and multiculturalism. More than ever, the argument on cosmopolitanism became confidentially entangled with debates on transnationalism. In the late 1980s, the end of &#8216;existing socialism&#8217; helped propagate the image of a unified world, monopolized by triumphant capitalism under the hegemony of powerful transnational corporations and financial capital. In the realm of flexible, post-Fordist capitalism, globalization turned into a mantra. Much of the typical pressures intrinsic to cosmopolitanism as a concept were dramatized within the localist\/globalist outline of analysis, sometimes CRN 125\u00a0 regarded as antithetic polarities, other times as complementary and articulated terms. Concepts of transnational classes, cultures, and identities entered the horizon of the social sciences.181 Cosmopolitanism is commonly conflated with a historical period&#8217;s imperial pref erences, which stresses its contradictory relationships with power. In the 21st centu ry, it will be progressively slated as a concealed form of Americanism or of serving transnational capital. Be that as it may, one thing is sure, cosmopolitanism, the need to exceed received loyalties and attachments in favor of envisaging distant unknown others, of creating broader solidarities and global ideas of citizenship will endure equipping, with its pacifist, egalitarian utopian reverberations, a powerful ideological window into the future of a shrinking world.182 Viewing Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy through the standpoint of cosmopolitanism, the Notion of &#8220;Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam&#8221; is a &#8220;Universal Brotherhood&#8221; comes to mind which means the whole world is one single family. This organic view of universal brotherhood is embodied in Nepal&#8217;s commitment to global peace, secu rity, and harmony, as also to international world community, multilateralism, adher ence to the Charter of UN, non-alignment, and principles of Panchasheel.183 By em bracing the same spirit of &#8220;Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam,&#8221; Nepal has recently introduced a foreign policy priority, i.e., &#8220;amity with all and enmity with none&#8221;.<\/p><h1>Crisis in World Politics<\/h1><p>The concept of &#8216;crisis&#8217; in international politics is understood as a situation where there is no war, but there is no peace (&#8216;no war no peace&#8217;).184 Crisis in international relations is understood from two approaches: substantive and procedural. The sub stantive approach examines the theme of each crisis, problem, and situation, and studies the effects of a specific crisis. On the other hand, the procedural approach aims to find general theories about crises to determine the procedural definition of general crises and emphasize the collective characteristics of all types of crises. 185 Ad herents of the procedural approach have principally established two chief theoretical standpoints in defining crises in international politics. First is the decision-making approach, which takes the government as the primary analysis level, and is interested in the circumstances and procedures. Second is the international systems approach, which is concerned with reciprocal changes among the actors. 186 The adherents of the decision-making approach are interested in the themes within political processes, studies government&#8217;s insights of intentions, information attained about common reasons, public opinion effects to international politics, and the psychological management of crises, etc. On the other hand, the advocates of the international systems approaches have dealt with unanticipated changes in a crisis, force, intensity, and importance of regular activities as yields of the foreign policies 126\u00a0 and the dispersion of these actions.17 Experts on crisis study also hold different ap proaches to the crisis. According to McClelland, an international crisis is &#8216;a range of events&#8217; that contains suddenly and rapidly changing occurrences. Oran Young extends his definition to the range of events causing crises that increase the effects of forces bringing instabilities in the general system structure.178 One problem in defining crisis is that the various approaches are not adequate ly concerned about the &#8216;crisis management&#8217;,189 which is moderately referenced in the definitions of crises based on the &#8216;decision making&#8217; perspective. If the descriptions of crises are perceived in international politics, five basic shared components can be dis tinguished: \u00b7 Substantial increases in national military activities are observed in critical pe riods when there are crises in international politics, primarily when certain &#8216;crisis management operations&#8217; are maintained.190 \u00b7 Unanticipated occurrences at the international or national level are the cause of most crises. \u00b7 The decision-maker is supposed to act quickly, and she\/he must be able to decide urgently in such unexpected events\/situations.191 \u00b7 Crises may harm the real or perceived interests of governments.192 \u00b7 As major threats to governments&#8217; interests, crises are challenging to estimate or envisage since they are defined as unexpected occurrences.193 Examining the global phenomena of international crises, four waves of international crisis can be noticed in the last century of world political history (from late 19th cen tury through the 20th century) concerning several significant military and diplomat ic confrontations between the world actors. The first period of crisis was experienced in the years between 1904 and 1914, when competing alliances were established between the Teutonic (Germanic) and Slavo-Latino blocks.194 The second wave oc curred between 1935 and 1939, and the third one called the &#8216;Cold War&#8217;, occurred between 1948 and 1964 when no general war occurred; only minor war. The initial events of the fourth crises wave&#8217; in the international system appeared in East Germa ny first, followed by Central and Eastern Europe between 1989 and 1990, followed by the Soviet system&#8217;s collapse in late 1991, followed by an international crisis. 195 It needs to be emphasized that the notion of crisis is closely related to the concept of chaos. It should not also be forgotten that in the world political system of the 20th century, approximately once in every ten or twenty years (1904-1914, 1933-1939, 1948, 1963, 1979-1980, 1990-1991, 2001-2003) broad international crises have occurred.196 It can also be noted here that international crises have originated from interstate conflicts. In explaining the international crisis circumstances, states in crisis often read just their foreign policy objectives and priorities. Nepal has also faced several crises, 127\u00a0 emanating from natural causes or difficult political situations. Nepal was hit by a devastating earthquake in 2015 causing colossal human and material losses. After the devastating earthquake, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy was concentrated on drawing more aids and assistance for &#8220;reconstruction&#8221;, and the policy was very successful in gar nering support. 197 The international community guaranteed substantial aid to Nepal in reconstruction during the international conference held in Kathmandu after few months of the crisis. Even though a robust foreign policy was exercised to garner support and aid, only a small amount of aid has been disbursed until date from the pledged amount of 4.4 billion dollars. 198 Similarly, on the issue of flood and inunda tion of its plain land adjoined with Indian borders, Nepal needs to coordinate with India to resolve the crisis triggered by natural calamities. At the political front, Nepal promulgated its constitution in 2015. The new stat ute was welcomed with an unofficial economic embargo by India. In response to this crisis, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy establishment incorporated an ambitious and for ward-looking agenda of external balancing and diversification.199 Through its access to several multilateral forums, Nepal sought the support of international community justifying its sovereign right to draft a new constitution. Before this, a similar sit uation was faced by Nepal in 1989-1990 for buying weapons from China.200 This blockade opened the avenue for an alternative to the asymmetric dependency on India and a search for self-reliance and development. Thus, the crisis boosted Nepal&#8217;s national confidence and made diplomacy more robust, comprehensive, and forward looking.201 A crisis of global scale was COVID-19 pandemic which nearly stopped the world to a halt. The states and people experienced a huge loses in every aspect. As a de veloping state, Nepal was no exception and faced challenges in securing loans and grants for its development. Many Nepali workers, migrants, and students were living outside Nepal, and the foreign policy and diplomatic initiative were concentrated in repatriation of the Nepalese living outside and helping the way possible.202 Some of the regional level crises that Nepal dealt with its foreign policy effectively in the different periods of time can be listed as: China&#8217;s control over Tibet in 1950s Sino-Indian border war of 1962 Emergence of Bangladesh in 1971 Annexation of Sikkim in 1974 India Pakistan war of 1971 Kargil War of 1999 Ethnic Cleansing in Bhutan in 1980s resulting into inflow of refugees China-India border standoff in Doklam in 2017 and border skirmish in Galwan in 2020 128<\/p><h1>Critical Theory<\/h1><p>One of the initiators of the Frankfurt Institute of Social Research founded in 1923, Max Horkheimer coined the term critical theory in 1937.203 Max Horkheimer (1895 1973) in his influential 1937 essay &#8220;Traditional and Critical Theory&#8221;, prepared the grounds for Critical Theory. Horkheimer&#8217;s initial point was the inhibition of critical and independent thinking in contemporary society and understanding of reason in trinsic to the comprehension of science and society, for which he accused traditional Western thought.204 Building upon Horkheimer&#8217;s foundation on critical theory, today, it is a the oretical approach and an emancipatory project dedicated to creating a more equal and just world. It tries to explain why the realization of this objective is difficult to achieve. The broad aim of critical theory can be summed up by Marx&#8217;s eleventh thesis on Feuerbach that &#8220;philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it&#8221;.205 One of the most renowned definitions of critical Theory in IR belongs to Robert Cox, who describes the critical theory in the background of his famous landmark distinction between problem-solving theories and critical theories. According to Cox, problem-solving theories are thoughtful with maintaining social power relationships and reproducing the existing system, endeavoring to ensure that &#8220;existing relationships and institutions work smoothly&#8221;.206 Unlike different ahistori cal problem-solving theories that serve the existing social arrangements and support the interests of the hegemonic social forces, critical theory is self-reflexive and anal yses the existing system of domination and recognizes processes and forces that will create an alternative world order.207 A heterogeneous group of theories has been con sidered critical in international relations, comprising feminism, poststructuralism, critical geopolitics, critical security studies, critical international political economy, postcolonialism, and international historical sociology. The idea of &#8220;critique&#8221; is a product of the heritage of Enlightenment.208 Essential ly, it encompasses the use of reason and critical insight concerning the liberation of human beings. It articulates the opposition between reason and dogma, the rational and the revealed. Critical theory in international relations is part of the postposi tivist turn or the &#8220;fourth debate,&#8221; which followed the inter-paradigm debate of the 1970s.209 Post positivism contains a plurality of theoretical and epistemological po sitions that opened wide-ranging criticisms of the neo-realist &#8220;orthodoxy&#8221; that has subjugated international relations theorizing since the beginning of the 1980s.210 However, the term &#8220;critical theory&#8221; (in lower case) embraces post-positivist the ories such as poststructuralism, constructivism, feminism, historical sociology, and postcolonialism, which are integrated into the critique of the mainstream, and pre dominantly, of neo-realism. The critical theory with capital letters denotes more directly the Frankfurt School&#8217;s critical theory and particularly J\u00fcrgen Habermas&#8217;s work.211 In the domain of Critical Theory, J. Habermas is the most well-known of 129\u00a0 the second-generation critical theorists, whose views have been the most significant in international relations. Habermas endures the critique of reason and rationality introduced by the Frankfurt School, developing, and remolding it into unknown magnitudes. His communicative action theory, discourse ethics, and analysis of the relation between knowledge and human interests have been very productive in under standing and evolving alternative critical positions within international relations.212 During the first wave of critical theory in the 1980s, international relations theorists&#8217; key concern was to critique the dominant realist\/neorealist orthodoxy, which had failed to explain the end of the Cold War. In short, critical theory has been very helpful in developing alternative approach es and new areas of research in international relations. The Committee on Inter national Relations and Human Rights under the Parliament of Nepal suggests the significance of critical approach in the foreign policy of Nepal. Going beyond the conventional state-centric approach, the inclusion of human rights provision in its foreign policy apparatus indicates Nepal&#8217;s efforts in keeping people at the center in its foreign policy priority. But it shouldn&#8217;t be confined to naming a committee alone. Improving the human rights records and meeting international human rights stan dard is essential. Also, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy of world peace, which is also the con stitutional provisions on Nepal&#8217;s foreign affairs, evokes an emancipatory approach to the international system, which according to Realist principles is driven by anarchy and self-help. 130\u00a0<\/p><h1>Debt Trap<\/h1><p>With the end of colonialism and birth of the Bretton Woods system, states searched for loans in the hope of solving the economic crisis. The interest charged and con ditionality imposed in the form of structural adjustment have, however resulted in considerable human suffering and poverty. Over the past few years, new stylized facts emerged in the macroeconomic environment even before the global financial crisis outbreak. Public debt has grown considerably in almost all developed economies. Partly this was a sign of the drop in public revenues instigated by the recession, and partially it was due to substantial public efforts, especially in some countries, to deal with banking crises.1 This has generated negative feedback on growth with the possibility of a vicious circle of high debt, low growth, and unsustainable public debt dynamics. Fragility has spilt over to banks which hold substantial amounts of sovereign debt in their balance sheets. In turn, this has weighed negatively on the modern statecraft as the risk of a possible twin crisis affecting sovereign debt and credit markets simultaneously has become more significant.2 Debt crises begun to be relatively more prevalent in the last few decades ever since the deregulation of lending and international financial laws in the 1970s, Back in the 70s, the loans&#8217; favorable conditions have created a medium in which develop ing countries&#8217; debr rose significantly. The World Bank, as well as private banks and governments, even actively encouraged taking loans. The situation changed when neoliberal policies gained the ground, and the increase in interest, coupled with the decrease in the commodities market, has made it possible for the contractors to make huge profits while at the same time debt kept rising to astronomical heights.&#8217; The debt trap is a consequence of a system that thrives when there is an increase in in equality and a significant decrease in government intervention. Both consumption trap and liquidation trap are prerequisites of the debt trap. Depending on the factors, the consumption trap, upon worsening, can also evolve.4 In contemporary international relations, the concept of debt trap concept re surfaced with China&#8217;s rise and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In 2013, Beijing initiated a new and much more significant global infrastructure-building strategy: the 137 Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). For many people, the BRI is exciting, resembling a new Marshall Plan, but to others, it is alarming.5 The narrative of China&#8217;s debt-trap diplomacy became a catchphrase after Sri Lanka&#8217;s Hambantota port was acquired by a Chinese state-owned firm for a ninety-nine-year lease in 2017 when the Sri Lankan government could not service its loans. The incident has been cited repeatedly as evidence that the Chinese government is practicing debt-trap diplomacy.6 Debt sustainability in several states that have been borrowing from China under the BRI framework raises similar apprehension. At a joint International Monetary Fund (IMF)-Peoples&#8217; Bank of China conference in Beijing in April 2018, the pre vious head of the IMF, Christine Lagarde, specified that, in the case of large-scale disbursements, &#8216;experiences from across the globe show that there is always a risk of potentially failed projects and the misuse of funds&#8217; and that infrastructure financing can also lead to an alarming increase in debt, potentially limiting another spending as debt service rises, and creating a balance of payment challenges.7 In 2017, Nepal officially joined BRI for infrastructural development and to in crease its trade through alternative routes other than India. Deeming China-led BRI as a means to diversify its trade and transit through connectivity and pursue the path of infrastructure-driven development and growth-oriented prosperity, Nepal has committed to nine projects under the BRI framework: Kathmandu-Kyerung Rail way, Madan Bhandari University, 762 MW Tamor hydropower project, Galchi-Ra suwagadhi-Kerung 400 KB Transmission Line, Tokha-Chahare road, Kimangthan Hile road, 426 MW Fukot-Karnali Picking run-of-the-river hydropower project, upgrading of the Rasuwagadhi Highway, and a road connecting Dipayal with Tibet.8 Nepal has also been cautioned against the BRI debt trap. Nepal aims to secure the projects worth an estimated USD 3 billion to build with a grant, while China wants to provide soft loans. If Nepal agreed, this would be the most significant loan in Ne pal&#8217;s history.&#8221; Some Nepal experts also believe that debt-trap diplomacy is a Cold War mentality which has been highly publicized in Nepal because of India&#8217;s influence.10 Nepal has already developed a political consensus on not accepting the Chinese loan in the wake of &#8220;debt trap&#8221; allegations that BRI projects have been facing in Asia and Africa. While the global image of BRI is being tarnished with such allegations, Nepal finds it apt and timely to seek grant from China to build the trans-Himalayan railway connecting China with South Asia via land for the first time.<\/p><h1>Decolonization<\/h1><p>Decolonization signifies the most theatrical developments in modern history: the departure of empire as a political form and the end of racial hierarchy as a broadly recognized political ideology and constructing principle of world order.11 It is the instantaneous dissolution of several intercontinental empires and establishment of 138\u00a0 DECOLONIZATION A publication of the United Nations Department of Political Allairs, Trusteeship and Decolonization Vol. I. No. 1 June 1974 Photo Credit: United Nations nation-states all through the global South within a short time of three postwar de cades (1945-75). It is connected with the historically exclusive and irreversible de-le gitimization of any political rule that is practiced as subjugation to a power elite by a broad majority of the population as alien occupants.12 The process of decolonization has been variously understood. Even its precise time setting may vary according to the thematic or regional focus,13 Ambiguity and indistinctness are part of the historical phenomenon. From a global standpoint, de colonization had its most conclusive stage in the mid-twentieth century, during the three decades after the First World War.14 Decolonization period still needs to be assimilated in a long history with less defined chronological margins. This long his tory of decolonization goes back to the years following the First World War when anticolonial discontents were variously aired.15 The process of decolonization is also equated with the concepts such as &#8220;self-de termination,&#8221; &#8220;liberation,&#8221; or &#8220;revolution&#8221; relating to other terms associated with contemporary history, like &#8220;Cold War&#8221; or &#8220;globalization&#8221;.16 &#8220;Decolonization&#8221; is not a grouping that social scientists or historians thought up in retrospect. Traces of the concept of decolonization can also be discovered in the time before 1950. The term is lexically used since 1836, found some theoretical amplification in the German \u00e9mi gr\u00e9 economist Moritz Julius Bonn&#8217;s writings during the interwar period. However, we only find it used with any substantial frequency commencing in the mid-1950s, which is at the climax of those very developments the term designates.17 Decolonization marks a historical stage at which the precise outcome was any thing but inevitable from the outset.18 Even if it may have progressed peacefully in some circumstances, the procedure of decolonization, overall, was violent. The partition of India in 1947, the Algerian war of 1954-62, and the 1946-54 war in Indochina are amongst the most noticeable instances of violence in the second half of the twentieth century.19 From another standpoint, the disappearance of colonialism signifies the end of Europe&#8217;s overseas empires. Even if not synonymous with it, decolonization is at the epicenter of what has been labelled as &#8220;the end of empire.&#8221; 20 Decolonization, thus, 139\u00a0 was intended to be more than a profound rupture in the history of previously col onized states and more than a meagre footnote in the history of Europe. As per the &#8220;Europeanization of Europe,&#8221; decolonization directed to &#8220;Europe falling back on itself&#8221; transformed the continent&#8217;s position in the international power structure, in terrelated with the supranational assimilation of Europe&#8217;s nation-states.21 Decolonization may be limited to an insulated change of sovereign ruler in a spe cific state in its narrowest thinkable creation. There were diverse ways in which such a change could take place. In the most peaceful circumstance, government power was passed over to indigenous politicians in common with the colonial power. In less har monious circumstances, independence was declared one-sidedly with victorious ges tures and confiscation of power by the victorious nationalists.22 Decolonization was, thus, entangled in various macro-processes and threads that shaped the twentieth century. It also intersected with other essential changes in the international domain, such as the Cold War and international bloc formation, the upsurge of international organizations and NGOs, the advent of an international community, the history of human rights and social action, and European unification.23 It developed in a world shaped by urbanization and global population growth, economic booms and seizures, and various social movements and civil rights engagement.24 More than a mere appendix to the histories of global economic and forced migration, asymmetric warfare and proxy wars, and international development and aid, it is closely related to the worldwide spread of literacy, mass consumerism, and mass media, the post-1945 increase of social welfare states, hygiene, and living standards, and the growth of the social sciences and social engineering.25 As a political process, decolonization has by now receded into history. In 1938 approximately 644 million people were living in the states categorized as protec torates, colonies, or dependencies (not including the British dominions), today the United Nations lists only seventeen inhabited &#8220;non-self-governing territories&#8221; with a total population of about 2 million populaces &#8220;remaining to be decolonized&#8221;,26 Among the few states in the world, who were never colonized and therefore had no need to go through the painful process of decolonization is Nepal. Although the consequence of the Anglo-Nepal war in 1815 constrained Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy behavior, after having lost its significant territories to British, Nepal didn&#8217;t compro mise in pursuing an independent foreign policy because of which Nepal was never colonized.27 Fully aware of Nepal&#8217;s geostrategic reality, King Prithvi Narayan Shah, the founder statesman of modern Nepal, suggested his followers to adopt an indepen dent foreign policy, a spirit which comes vividly alive in his &#8216;Dibya Upadesh&#8217;.28 The development of various kinds of circumstances in the British Empire and its colonies in South Asia prevented British India from colonizing Nepal. Most importantly, the Rana regime in Nepal was friendly towards the interest and influence of British-In dia. In the same manner, British recognition of Nepal&#8217;s &#8220;independence&#8221; through the Treaty of 1923 further evolved the relationship between two.29 The &#8220;independence.&#8221; 140\u00a0 of Nepal as a state in the age of empires was therefore safeguarded via a complex mechanism of political negotiations and alliances, and foreign-policy adjustments, and at the costs of thousands of Nepalese lives who fought for the Empire.30 Nepal fought the two world wars standing on the British side. Nepal also sent its troops to suppress &#8220;sepoy mutiny&#8221; of 1857 against British rule in India. Thus, Nepal was able to maintain its non-colonial status through the policy of appeasement.<\/p><h1>Democratic Peace Theory<\/h1><p>Democratic peace puts forward the proposition that &#8220;Democracy encourages peace- ful interaction among states&#8221;. Such a proposition evolved during the Enlightenment as a fundamental part of the political debates, which spanned the American and French revolutions around the time when Immanuel Kant defined a &#8216;pacific federa tion&#8217; or &#8216;pacific union&#8217; produced by liberal republics.31 There is also a vocal noncon forming minority, who assert that the &#8220;absence of war between democratic states comes as close as anything we have to an empirical law in international relations, &#8220;32 Whatever the definitions, the essential prerogative of democratic peace advocates is that democratic states do not wage war against each other, though several academics have adjusted the statement to the view that &#8220;democracies are less likely to fight wars with each other.&#8221; 33 Although the probability of war between two democratic states are statistically low, there is also a tendency of providing place to violence between two democratic states. 34 Democratic peace dictates that democratic institutions are supposed to bring peace and stability in international politics. Because, constitutional and legal institu tions in a democratic set up foster free public debates and are the reasons for peace in several ways.35 They give democracies adequate time to work through divergences and diversities peacefully. In common, leaders are restricted in their aptitude to launch wars against other democracies independently.36 It is appropriate to under stand Democratic Peace from the institutional and normative variables. Institutional variable emphasizes on the aspirations of democratic elite to get back to the office through the process of re-appoint ment. But, if they wage a war, they may not be reappointed. As a result, they avoid war. Firstly, while the institutional variable emphasizes on the aspiration of democratic elites to be reappoint ed, the democratic leaders are chiefly concerned about retaining office, and they are particularly concerned about Photo Credit: E-International Relations 141\u00a0 policy failure. Therefore, democratic states are susceptible to negotiate with each oth er rather than fight.37 Secondly, according to the normative variable, democracies believe that other democracies are foreseeable, sensible, and dependable,38 and they will, therefore, be reluctant to fight other democracies because they recognize that their intentions will be positive. In other words, democracies create an atmosphere of &#8220;live and let live&#8221; with each other&#8217;s activities and consequences, promoting and strengthening a fundamental sense of stability.39 Furthermore, the component of in terdependence in the democratic peace theory elucidates that the democratic states have free-market economies. Subsequently, they can better offer credible commitments con cerning trade and capital flows than authoritarian states. They tend more to trade with one another, creating a democratic peace. Constructivist theories, in turn, suggest that actual capabilities are of less importance comparative to social relations and perception, and even that struggles over the meaning of democracy can incite conflict. Thus, dem ocratic peace is what states make of it.40 While democratic peace relies on a certainty that the people will essentially and always choose to be peaceful.41 Thus, many proponents of democratic peace have been cautious in their expres sion that democracies are less likely to fight each other. This is, of course, a probabi listic, not a deterministic declaration. War may be improbable between democracies, but it is possible.42 Meanwhile, a sense of security rests on being prepared for all types of circumstances, and the probabilistic statement eliminates a good deal of the rele vance of the democratic peace proposition in the context of the competition between partner states. Essentially, it is the liberal ideas undergirding liberal democracies. The mecha nism of Democratic peace is rooted in liberal values, which holds that all persons are best off following self-preservation and material well-being and that freedom and tol eration are preeminent means to these ends.13 Such a worldview can be protracted to the state&#8217;s nature only through democracy. Nevertheless, the democratic peace notion does not guarantee that it will lead to perpetual peace.<\/p><h1>Democratization<\/h1><p>For more than half-century, the significance of democracy is realized as an unrivaled political value in world affairs. In 1945, democracy was used strategically by the Al lied nations in resistance to fascism and Nazism. With the beginning of Cold War, democracy was instantly perceived from two standpoints, the East, and the West. As the third world obtained its place in the international arena through Non-Alignment Movement (NAM) and New International Economic Order (NIEO), the member states struggled to find their government&#8217;s approaches suitable to their needs, provid ing in practice alternative perspectives on democracy.&#8221; To the Third World countries, democracy was not an assertion of the individual at the community&#8217;s expense. Today, 142\u00a0 however, democracy is getting general acknowledgement for its capability to foster good governance, which is possibly the single most significant development adjust able within the control of individual states.45 the The development of democracy in a state is called process of democratization. It There is a procedure that leads to a more open, less authoritarian, and more participatory society. It is the transformation of society with a more democratic culture and values. This notion is very much related to democratic peace as it is with democracy.46 This process of transforming authoritarian and &#8216;totalitarian&#8217; political regimes into plural ist democracies became a significant phenomenon after the Second World War and through the Cold War days. In the aftermath of these actions, there was tremendous tha optimism among people and societies facing the challenge of democracy in Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, and the former Soviet Republics.47 In the USA, the in Clinton administration proclaimed that the foreign policy of containment would be substituted with &#8220;enlargement&#8221;. A central part of the enlargement strategy convolut ed international support for democracy, often through regional organizations. For example, regional institutions&#8217; idea of encouraging and guarding democracy became Your hi a significant justification for NATO expansion.48 is Democratization can be understood as a process subdivided into three stages: \u00b7 The liberalization stage, when the preceding authoritarian regime opens up or crumbles; 49 \u00b7 A transition stage, often concluding when the first competitive elections are held; 50 \u00b7 The consolidation stage, when democratic practices are anticipated to become more solidly established and acknowledged by most pertinent actors. This final stage is indispensable for establishing resilient, democratic regimes.51 The democratization stages need not be undeviating, and in several cases, democrat ic openings and transitions have not ensued in consolidated democracies. Instead, many regimes end up &#8216;getting stuck&#8217; in transition or relapsing to authoritarian forms of rule. These supposed &#8216;unconsolidated&#8217; or &#8216;hybrid&#8217; regimes have drawn substantial attention from academics and policymakers.52 The earlier approaches to democra tization stressed that democracy was more likely to arise in states with higher so cio-economic development levels, but some studies held that cultural and religious factors and historical legacies (i.e., previous experiences with democratization). Such structuralist approaches to democratization understood the advent of democracy as the transformation of class structure, and the rise of a bourgeoisie economic develop ment and cumulative urbanization as prerequisites.53 Contemporary discourses on democratization confronts this notion of &#8216;prereq uisites&#8217; for democracy. While the modernization argument provides an elucidation for transition in South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, and Chile, many movements to 143\u00a0 wards formal democracy took place in states where such transformation would not have been anticipated due to their low economic development levels and other so cio-economic features. Many states undergoing a transition to democracy were in the bottom third of the Human Development Index (HDI).54 This transitions also challenged the cultural arguments postulating that democracy is incompatible with certain faiths and religious values. The only region that appears to remain compara tively outside this wave of democratization so far is the Arab World.55 Nepal transitioned from the autocratic Rana regime to democratization since 1951 . After democracy was proclaimed in 1951,56 it took a long time to stabilize the government, and there were differences among various political parties. Compre hending the political situation, the then King Mahendra introduced the Panchayat system.57 Though there were electoral representatives in the parliament (Rashtriya Panchayat) from all over the country in the Panchayat system, very few people had prospects to become representatives; the Panchayat system could not eliminate the feudal system and eliminate caste discrimination.58 Instead, it reinforced the tradition al norms. The Maoist movement concentrated on raising marginalized people&#8217;s voices through a political change during 1996-2006. The Maoist movement began from the western regions of Nepal, where many marginalized people live. A substantial part of the excluded and marginalized population participated in the Maoist-led insurgency, expecting to change the hierarchical society and end social discrimination.59 In 2003, referring to the democratic government&#8217;s inability to end the bloody insurgency and political parties&#8217; utter ineffectiveness in governance, King Gyanendra dismissed the elected parliament and introduced absolute rule. Just three years later, the Maoists and an alliance of seven political parties reached an agreement to end the decade-long insurgency, eliminate monarchy and re-write the state&#8217;s constitution de claring Nepal as the Federal Republic as part of the state restructuring.60 In 2008, at the end of a 10-year civil war and a popular revolution against monarchical rule, the newly elected Constituent Assembly of Nepal declared the state to be a secular federal democratic republic, removing the Shah dynasty from power with the abolishment of monarchy. After several political events, in September 2015, the new constitution was promulgated in Nepal, which guaranteed or consolidated democracy in Nepal.61 Consequently, in its transition from Rana rule to participatory constitution-making, Nepal has gone through a long democratization process. The achievement of this process rests upon the proper implementation and institutionalization of the consti tution of Nepal.62 The critical role of external actors in the geopolitically vulnerable states, espe cially in the early transition phase, an element that needs broader recognition and in-depth analysis, but has been largely ignored. In Nepal&#8217;s democratization process in 1950, the Delhi agreement appeared to have shaped an anomalous condition by tilting the agreement in favor of Nepal&#8217;s embryonic democratic forces under the In dian influence, constructing the traditional elites to resent the agreement as an im 144\u00a0 position by India.63 Contrasting the first transition discernible by significant external influence and &#8220;pressure from outside&#8221;64 was pronounced during this period though the unescapable elites retained sufficient control to lead the transition process and hereafter restrict full democracy. The part of the mass and civil society groups marked by organizations of students, labor unions, professional groups such as lawyers&#8217; asso ciations, bureaucracy became progressively more significant in Nepal&#8217;s fight to leave behind the hold of authoritarian rule. The part of external factors particularly that of India, was less pronounced in Nepal&#8217;s second transition, an essential departure from the first one. Nevertheless, India&#8217;s role bourgeoned as the regime moved towards the beginning of Nepal&#8217;s third transition.65 At the beginning of 1990, critical shifts took place in both the state&#8217;s internal and external issues. The Indian influence in Nepalese politics was highly experienced in this transition.66 When Nepal&#8217;s political conditions altered with the start of the People&#8217;s War, other external factors and actors were involved. The Western states were concerned in Nepal&#8217;s internal violence in the name of human rights and democracy. After the War on Terror, the Maoist insurgents were labelled terrorists. In November 2005 Nepal&#8217;s Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the insurgent Maoists, with India&#8217;s sup port, reached a twelve-point text of understanding in New Delhi.67<\/p><h1>Dependency Theory<\/h1><p>Dependency signifies the presence of unequal relations between the countries. Be- cause of the unending gap between the poor and the rich states, dependency is pro duced and reproduced in various forms: economically, politically, and strategically. Lenin meant the same, when he spoke about the notion of dependency in his expla nation of Theory of Imperialism. Lenin said: &#8220;Since we are speaking of colonial policy in the epoch of capitalist imperialism, it must be observed that finance capital and its foreign policy, which is the struggle of the great powers for the economic and political division of the world, give rise to several transitional forms of state dependence. Not only are there two main groups of countries, those owning colonies, and the colonies themselves, but also the diverse forms of dependent countries which, politically, are formally independent, but in fact, are enmeshed in the knit of financial and diplomatic dependency&#8221;68 Dependency is, thus, a historical condition in which the economic development of certain groups of countries is conditioned by the factors shaping structure of world economy favorable to handful of powerful countries. Those who use the lens of de pendency in examining the underdevelopment of Third World countries stress on the effect of the foreign and political influence, which, in turn, affect local development and strengthen ruling elites at the expanse of the marginal classes.69 The pattern of external dependence of nation-states includes a more multifaceted set of relations 145\u00a0 positioning on the combination of the less developed, less homogeneous societies into a global division of labor.70 Scholars and theorists have developed theories explaining dependency. The works of A.G. Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein occupy prominent place in depen dency theory. The time when Wallerstein&#8217;s efforts to comprehend dependency ap peared, modernization theory was under attack from many fronts. His method to dependency can be elucidated through the &#8220;world system theory&#8221; which is a mac ro-sociological viewpoint that tries to elucidate the changing aspects of the &#8220;capitalist world economy&#8221; as a &#8220;total social system&#8221;.71 World-system theory is in many ways an adaptation of dependency theory. Wallerstein draws profoundly from dependency theory, a neo-Marxist explanation of development processes, prevalent in the de veloping world. Dependency theory emphasizes understanding the &#8220;periphery&#8221; by observing the core-periphery relations and has successfully explained the phenomena in the peripheral regions like Latin America. It is through the dependency theory out look that several criticisms of global capitalism have originated. Wallerstein suggests three different groups: core, semi-periphery, periphery, into which all regions of the world can be placed.72 The core regions advanced the most from the capitalist world economy, at the other end are the peripheral zones. These peripheries require robust central governments or are organized by other states, exporting raw materials to the core, and impose coercive labor practices. According to Wallerstein, the semi-periph eries were subjugated by the core.73 Dependency theory first became popular in Latin America and was adopted by North American and European social scientists mainly through the literatures of the American-educated economist A.G. Frank. The fundamental assumptions of the dependency stand in stark contrast to those of the modernization theory.74 For Frank, the ideas of development and underdevelopment have meaning only when they are functional in states within the capitalist world-economy. Frank envisages this world-economy as being separated into two main mechanisms, metropolis, and satellite.75 These notions essentially correspond to Wallerstein&#8217;s (1974) ideas of core and periphery. The stream of economic surplus in the world-economy flows from the satellite (or periphery) to the metropolis (or core), and the world economy is prear ranged to make this happen. Consequently, the underdeveloped states have become and remain underdeveloped because they are economically overpowered by devel oped capitalist states that have repeatedly been extracting wealth from them. Frank (1966) has called this progression the development of underdevelopment.76 Dependency theorists, whether Immanuel Wallerstein or A.G. Frank, expressed a relationship of &#8220;unequal exchange&#8221; in which the prosperous states of the world impose trade arrangements on the poor through which the former group extract surpluses from the latter. As such, the poor countries become more poorer and head toward underdevelopment.77 Nepal is asymmetrically dependent on India for trade. As a landlocked state, Ne pal is surrounded by India from three sides, which has made Nepal highly dependent 14\u20ac\u00a0 on India for economic activities. Nepal is also dependent for its transit facility on In dia granted by the international law as access to seaports.78 The trade deficit of Nepal has been unceasingly growing, especially with India. Only in the first ten months of the fiscal year 2019\/2020 (Mid-July 2019 to Mid-May 2020) the trade deficit was about US$7,890,508.99, of which deficit with India was US$4,769,504.29 (about 60% of the total trade deficit)79 according to the Department of the Customs of Gov ernment of India. India covers over two-thirds of Nepal&#8217;s merchandise trade, about one-third of trade in services, one-third of foreign direct investments, almost 100% of petroleum supplies, and a vital part of inward remittances of pensioners, profes sionals and laborers working in India.80 Nepal also obtained supplies of worth NPR 1054.44 billion from other states which accounts for 88.10 percent share in Nepal&#8217;s total import of the fiscal year of 2019\/2020. This shows a deficit balance of trade in goods amounting to NPR 971.39 billion which is 88.4 percent of Nepal&#8217;s total trade deficit.81 Today, while Nepali economy is substantially dependent on remittance and revenue, Nepal should mull over appropriate strategies and devise suitable institu tions and policies to decrease its bourgeoning trade dependence on India. In the Indian blockade of 2015, Nepali economy was brought to standstill and the harsh face of dependence and its consequences were aptly visible.<\/p><h1>Deterrence<\/h1><p>Deterrence is the practice of restraining a nation-state in world political affairs from pursuing unsolicited activities, such as an armed attack.82 In IR scholarship, a poli cy of deterrence usually implies threats of military retaliation by the leaders of one state against another state. Deterrence can comprise both military and non-military threats envisioned to avert both military and non-military developments of action by other states. Available literature differentiates between two fundamental approaches to deterrence.83 Deterrence by denial approaches that seeks to deter action by making it infeasible or improbable to succeed by eroding a potential aggressor confidence in attaining its objectives, or deploying adequate local militaries to defeat an invasion.84 This approach can confront a latent aggressor with the risk of catastrophic damage. Deter rence by denial generally signifies an intention or an effort to defend some promise, and an ability to refute the attack from the other.85 The most shared way of com puting the deterrence threat grounded in denial capabilities is the instant balance of forces in the contested territory, but the local balance of forces is not the only, or even continuously, the most vital factor. Deterrence by denial should not be associated with military balances alone.86 On the contrary, deterrence by punishment threatens stark consequences, such as nuclear intensification or severe economic sanctions, if an attack ensues. These conse 147\u00a0 quences are linked to the local fight and the wider world. The empha sis of deterrence by punishment is not the natural defense of the challenged commitment but rath er threats of more comprehensive punishment that would increase an attack&#8217;s cost.87 Most of the studies recom mend that denial strategies are integrally more dependable than Photo Credit: The Guardian punishment strategies. Steps are taken to deny, such as assigning substantial military capabilities directly in the track of an aggressor. An aggressor may develop uncertainty, but the defender&#8217;s capability to deny is important. An aggressor may also persuade itself that the defender will dither to follow through on threats to punish because of attendant hazards, such as advance escalation, that the dissuading state may not be willing to run once the moment reaches. As Thomas Schelling noted, there are threats that a state would instead not accomplish, and weakness in deterrence can arise when an aggressor considers the defender will eventually prove reluctant to carry out its threats. 88 An effective policy of deterrence must be understood in both political and mili tary terms. General deterrence accomplishment denotes preventing state leaders from delivering military threats and actions that intensify peacetime diplomatic and mil itary competition into a crisis or militarized confrontation that intimidates armed conflict and possibly war.89 Immediate deterrence can be understood in the context of state leaders who have already mobilized force in a crisis or militarized confron tation but are willing to avert it from turning into the large-scale use of military force. The inhibition of crises or wars, nonetheless, is not the only aim of deterrence. Defenders must be able to resist the political and military demands of a potential at tacker. If an armed conflict is circumvented at the price of diplomatic concessions to the potential attacker&#8217;s maximum demands under the threat of war, the state cannot claim that deterrence has succeeded.90 Deterrence failures, then, include the com mencement of crises or militarized disputes.91 The principal approach to theorizing about deterrence has involved rational choice and game-theoretic models of decision-making. In the rational choice tra dition, state leaders considering military force usage associate the expected utility of using force to abstain from a military challenge to the status quo, and they select the choice with more favorable expected utility.92 Rational deterrence theory emphasizes how military threats can decrease the attacker&#8217;s probable efficacy for using force by persuading the attacker that the consequence of a military confrontation will be both 148\u00a0 expensive and ineffective. Deterrence theorists have claimed continuously that deter rence success is more likely if a defender&#8217;s deterrent threat is reliable to an attacker.93 Difficulties in conventional deterrence endure pressing several states on security matters in the Cold War international system. Territorial disputes that could intensify to higher international conflict levels persist in regions like the Balkans, South Asia, the Middle East, and the Far East. The failure of domestic political order within states threatens military intervention by neighboring states and greater engrossment by NATO and UN peacekeeping forces.94 Wars and international predicaments will continue to occur, and state leaders will try to maintain national security to count er external military threats employing a range of diplomatic and military policies. Multilateral peacekeeping operations will also be challenged with more demanding military missions in which deterrence will be a more vital policy objective.95<\/p><h1>Digital Divide<\/h1><p>The term &#8220;digital divide,&#8221; which was a catchword during the global pandemic when classes went online, was introduced in the mid-1990s by Larry Irving, Jr., former US As sistant Secretary of Commerce for Telecommunication and Commu nication. The digital divide points out the gap between individuals, households, businesses, and geo graphic areas at different socio-eco nomic levels in the context of access Photo Credit: Feminism in India to information and communication technologies (ICTs) and the use of the Internet for a wide range of activities.96 The gap in digital access could be better explained in three ways: a global divide denoting ICT disparities between states; a social divide indicating the gap in access to ICT between different sections of a nation&#8217;s society; and the democratic divide manifested by the difference between those who do and those who do not use the multiplicity of digital means in public life as a means of resistance.97 The digital divide is a multifaceted problem associated with cultural, political, and ethical dimensions triggered by the lack of access to technical and social infrastructure that supports ICT. As such, the consequences brought by the digital divide should be understood in wider socio-demographic levels including income, gender, race, ethnici ty, education, age and location, and institution. The technological access may not fun damentally deal with ethical or political problems,98 but largely explains the divide in 149\u00a0 terms of the access to expensive digital infrastructure and financial capability to own the apparatus of digital communication. Thus, digital divide helps to dig into inequalities caused by socio-economic status, skills, geography, and education.99 In addition to the attempts made in defining digital divide as a continuum of dis parity along various dimensions, there have also been endeavors to define the notion in a quantitative manner, at the regional and global level. A digital divide index has been developed at the regional level to highlight this in a regional context. It defines digital divide as the individual who falls behind the population average regarding Internet access and use.100 At the global level, there are a minimum of six factors that determine the digital divide between states. These are infrastructures, markets, diffusion, human resources, competitiveness, and competition. These aspects were quantified and constructed into a single index to measure and define digital divide.101 Two opinions exist on how to deal with the digital divide. Some scholars accept the digital divide as a natural phenomenon, and do not propose intervention to bridge digital divide and wait for self-correction with the advance of ICT. Others recommend embracing intervention.102 The propensity to measure digital development using quan titative and statistical indicators has been criticized for creating &#8220;statistical divide&#8221;.103 Although the causes and consequences of digital divide was initially concentrated in the developed states, but later extended to the developing and impoverished states. In Nepal, one can notice an enormous digital divide. Nepal has been ahead in regards to the access to technology with mobile penetration exceeding 100% and Internet penetration reaching 63%, but a massive digital gap persists because of income differ ence, geography, culture, language, and other socio-economic aspects.104 It has been further aggravated by low digital literacy rate, inadequate spectrum availability, and high charge of broadband services. Several policy and regulatory frameworks govern ing the ICT sector offers an essential groundwork for the state to reduce the digital divide among people. The National ICT Policy announced in 2015 envisions trans forming Nepali society into a knowledge and information founded society by con necting to advances in the ICT sector. The National Broadband Policy announced in 2016 has put forth an outline for motivating broadband access and availability across the country. Policy stresses on efficiently leveraging Universal Service Access Funds as a tool to bridge the digital divide tool that can offer a robust mechanism for increas ing broadband access to the communities beyond the urban areas.105 Nevertheless, the growing digitization of foreign policy and diplomacy, is im portant for states like Nepal. Digital diplomacy is being optimally used and agencies have been using the ICT actively for communication, but digital diplomacy is limit ed to communications only,106 During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Government of Nepal and Ministry of Foreign Affairs made use of the virtual platforms in a sig nificant manner. 150<\/p><h1>Diplomacy<\/h1><p>The word diplomacy has its origin in Greek and was later applied by the French to de note a negotiator&#8217;s work on behalf of a sovereign. 107 Diplomacy can be defined as practicing international relations through negotiation and discussion or other means to encourage peaceful relations among states. 108 Along with this broadly accepted definition, and more comprehensively, di plomacy is also a set of practices, institu tions, and discourses vital for the elementa ry understanding of the historical evolution of the international system and its function al and normative requirements.109 There is Photo Credit: Ministry of Foreign Affairs a long history of diplomatic behavior going back at least two millennia. Sovereigns sent envoys to other sovereigns for numerous reasons mostly to avert wars, terminate hostilities, or simply continue peaceful relations and advance economic exchanges. The first foreign ministry was established in Paris by Cardinal Richelieu in 1626.110 Other European states followed the French practice, and gradually absolute monarchies gave way to constitutional monarchies and republics, where embassies and legations became more established all over Europe. By the end of the nineteenth century, European-style diplomacy had been accepted throughout the international domain.111 None of the mainstream approaches to IR, realism, liberalism, and Marxism accepted diplomacy as a dominant international relations entity. The IR field has inclined to emphasize the macro-level of conflict and cooperation at the systemic level relatively than the micro-level of diplomats&#8217; social practice.112 This traditional statist approach occupies a predominant place in diplomatic studies. It holds that the state is the &#8220;only diplomatic actor of significance&#8221;, and consequently, highlights the significance of the state in governing its objectives and functions and determining the conduits through which it operates. State-centric definitions recognize diplomacy as the operational side of foreign affairs, which has the directive to implement govern ments&#8217; foreign policies.113 Hans J. Morgenthau, while explicating diplomacy systematically, did not em brace diplomacy in his six principles of realism but instead observed it as a means (alternative to war) for applying state actors&#8217; pursuit of power.114 Liberals explain diplomacy as a tool to affect the nature of the communication between states and the international system, rather than a central subject of international relations that regulates the constituent actors&#8217; character and interests in the system. 114 Lastly, Marx ists do not attribute much importance to diplomacy in a political space defined by 151\u00a0 capital accumulation and its reproduction.116 The English School represents a more traditional view of diplomacy which holds diplomatic institutions as an assemblage of norms and practices that administer the interactions between the organizations and individuals involved.117 But diplomacy is also &#8220;a category of practice and a category of analysis&#8221;, con noting those modern definitions of diplomacy as comprehensive and distinguished along epistemological and methodological boundaries. Alexander Wendt&#8217;s approach to the structure-agency problem in international relations in the course of revisiting diplomacy as a negotiation procedure and diplomats as negotiators.118 As the rec ognized apparatus of interstate negotiation, diplomacy as a practice is vital to the normal conduct of the nation-state system; however, rapid growth in the number of &#8220;diplomatically active&#8221; non-state actors, public awareness of and sensitivity to &#8220;glob al&#8221; concerns such as pandemics, climate change, and migration, and technical inno vations, primarily social media have considerably changed the environment in which diplomats function, and consequently their need to adapt to it.119 Numerous forms of diplomatic behavior among separate entities were well-known during the Middle Ages in Asian, American, or African civilizations. But, the most dis tinguished institution of modern diplomacy, the interchange of resident ambassadors, did not become a reality in the fifteenth century. This was because of the amplifica tion of diplomatic activity in Europe, and the growing awareness among the prevailing monarchies that diplomatic relations were more applied and effectual when instituting, under centralized political control, stable representation in a foreign state.120 Apart from some fascinating precedents from the Italian city-states, it can be said that throughout the Renaissance, the sixteenth-century French diplomatic system established for the first time some of the elementary structures of modern diplomacy: 1. Institutionalization of the permanent diplomatic missions and the definition of diplomatic protocol and procedural rules; 2. Significance allowed to the secrecy of negotiation along with to the personal cau tiousness and discretion of diplomats; 3. Addition of some significant privileges and immunities for the ambassadors; and 4. Professionalization and administrative concentration of diplomatic services. 121 After the First World War, diplomacy underwent several changes in its transition from old diplomacy to new diplomacy. Accordingly, the postwar era opened a phase of political, social, and academic debate about the obsolescence of traditional diplo matic approaches and the necessity for modification. 122 After the end of the Second World War, there was a marvelous transformation in the realm of diplomacy. The bilateral diplomacy on the Vienna Convention framework was established, and later, the dramatic growth of multilateral and intergovernmental forums led the world to the practice of multilateral diplomacy. Diplomatic negotiations also started to foster peace negotiations. 12.3 152\u00a0 Ever since the advent of modern nation-states, the ability to conduct diplomatic relations has been regarded as one of state&#8217;s attributes. Much more problematic is the connected assumption that it is also an \u00e9lite one.124 These practices experienced various historical transformations until they became conventionally redefined as an exclusive attribute of the sovereign nation-states. 125 In Nepal&#8217;s context, the diplomatic development can be traced back to the days when the relations were limited to British India and Tibet. Jaisikotha was the first foreign relations office set up during King Prithvi Narayan Shah&#8217;s rule, which man aged Nepal&#8217;s relations with neighbors in the North and South. Later, Jaisikotha was restructured by Prime Minister Bhimsen Thapa as a part of Munsikhana, which over looked the affairs related to China, Tibet, and Mustang. The role of Munsikhana during the Rana regime was further expanded, to the declaration and termination of war, peacemaking, extradition, border monitoring, and in nuptial negotiations of the Royal family and Rana family.126 After 1951, Nepal&#8217;s diplomatic development centered on independent India. During King Mahendra&#8217;s regime, the Panchayat exercised robust diplomatic practic es when bilateral relations with several states were established and Nepal became a member of the United Nations, and engaged in multilateral diplomacy.127 After the restoration of democracy in Nepal after 1990 and particularly after Nepal became Federal Democratic Republic following the political change of 2006, the diplomatic practices and experiences have increased. Contemporarily Nepal has bilateral rela tions with 168 states in the world.128 Nepal is a party to 165 multilateral treaties and a signatory of 28 multilateral treaties in the areas ranging from Trade, Transit, Invest ment and Intellectual property, Civil Aviation, Finance, to labor and human rights.129 During the COVID-19 pandemic, virtual diplomatic initiatives were taken at bilateral, regional, and multilateral fronts. Also, an active labor diplomacy through virtual means helped the Nepalis working abroad to ensure their rights as also to re patriate them. Regionally, Nepal participated in the video conference of the SAARC leaders as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic using online\/virtual platform. Ne pal has always realized and benefitted from the new forms of diplomatic engagements.<\/p><h1>Disarmament<\/h1><p>The nature of conflict and the weaponry used to fight it have changed immensely in the past 100 years. In contrast to the traditional one-to-one combat between two armed or unarmed groups, the twentieth century combats involved not only individ uals but whole societies. For the first time, in World War II, nuclear weapons were re leased on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan. During the Cold War, both the USA and USSR and other states increased their weaponry, especially nuclear weapons. Thus, later the concept of &#8220;disarmament&#8221; and &#8220;arms control&#8221; were introduced to the realm 153\u00a0 of international relations when the quan tity and quality of weapons, in use grew among the state and non-state actors.130 &#8220;Arms control&#8221; and &#8220;disarmament&#8221; are not substitutes. The former tries to limit weapons in agreed conducts (quantity, range, lethality, transparency, and others), while the latter proposes physical elimina tion of agreed types of weapons or mutual commitments not to produce them. The world pursues to eradicate all &#8220;weapons of mass destruction&#8221; or WMD (nuclear, bio logical, and chemical arms) and to control Photo Credit: The Simons Foundation the manufacture, sale, and use of many types of conventional weapons.131 The UN General Assembly has defined the term &#8220;general and complete disarmament&#8221; to mean elimination of all WMD, combined with the &#8220;balanced reduction of armed forces and conventional armaments, based on the principle of undiminished security of the parties to promote or enhance stability at a lower military level, taking into account the need of all States to protect their security.&#8221; 132 For the purpose of disarmament several treaties have been signed by states on the global and multilateral fronts. The major agreements to eliminate and prevent the proliferation of WMD comprise the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of nuclear weapons (NPT), the Chemical Weapons Convention and the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC).133 To ensure implementation, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) works as international safeguard inspectorate under the NPT; there is no organization for the verification of the BWC, notwithstanding efforts to create one. Other than the three major treaties, the Tlatelolco, Rarotonga, Bangkok and Pe lindaba Treaties recognized nuclear-weapon-free zones (respectively) in Latin America and the Caribbean, the South Pacific, Southeast Asia, and Africa where these treaties forbid the development, ownership, or positioning of nuclear weapons in these areas while approving general and complete disarmament. 134 The Outer Space Treaty bans the placement of WMD into orbit, a ban protracted in the solar system by the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies agreement.135 The Seabed Treaty bans employment of WMD on the ocean floor.136 The 1925 Geneva Protocol outlaws use of chemical or biological weapons,137 and Antarctic Treaty stipulates that the continent shall be used only for peaceful purposes.138 The Partial Test Ban Treaty barred nuclear explosions in the atmosphere, ocean, and outer space, and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), when it enters into force, will ban all nuclear explosions.139 Still, some states have preferred to institute non-binding regimes to encourage their WMD non-proliferation objectives, comprising the Nuclear Suppliers Group 154\u00a0 and Zangger Committee (both for nuclear substances), Australia Group (for biologi cal and chemical weapons), the Wassenaar Arrangement (for dual-use goods and con ventional arms), and the Missile Technology Control Regime and the Hague Code of Conduct (for missiles).140 The two approaches arise from the uninterrupted ideological debate between several schools of thought concerning disarmament. The clash over this crucial top ic of international security is anticipated and recognized as the divergence between the foundations of normative and empirical international relations theories. While normative theories recommend disarmament based on norms and values or what &#8220;should be&#8221; the ideal action to eliminate arms race, empirical theories define arms race in terms of experimentation and facts or what &#8220;is&#8221; the practical action to evade the negative significances of the arms race.141 Normative disarmament theories are dismissed by empiricists as utopian, while the normativists disapprove of empirical theories of non-proliferation as unjust.142 Based rm on this divide, the conceptions of the two primary schools of thought in internation down al relations, realism, and liberalism, towards disarmament founded on empirical and on normative theories correspondingly, with modernized versions in both schools, such as lity structural realism and neoliberalism. Besides, inspiring schools of thought such as social camp constructivism have emerged that offer separate disarmament opinions.143 While disarmament has deliberated on the definitive explanation for the prob on lems posed by arms race, non-proliferation is a concept widely considered as the op timal solution as it allegedly limits arms circulation to individual states and paves the but way to discuss the gradual disarmament of those states. In this regard, internation lear al institutions play a significant role.144 The evolution of disarmament through the our non-proliferation regime could be facilitated into two ways. The first are NPT review rgy conferences held every five years, and the other is non-nuclear-weapon states that em To the body the majorities of NPT states parties. Coordinated action by non-nuclear-weap Pate on states could be vital in beginning disarmament negotiations without troubling the Or standing non-proliferation regime and arms control arrangements preserved mainly rich in the NPT and the CTBT (that has yet to come into force).145 The achievement ties of such discussions could be leveraged for more significant comprehensive security reas arrangements comprising conventional arms control. Spears Nepal is a resolute believer of general and complete disarmament of all weapons good of mass destruction. Nepal&#8217;s pledge to disarmament and international security orig t of inates from &#8220;the norms of world peace&#8221; valued in its Constitution as a groundwork for its foreign policy.146 Nepal stands for the total elimination of nuclear weapons is the sole pledge against nuclear weapons, endorses the Conference on Disarmament Ised (CD) as the only multilateral negotiating body on disarmament-related problems Is in and emphasizes the unavoidability of starting negotiations in the CD for operational Ban nuclear disarmament measures, 147 and supports creating a professionally demonstra ble Middle East Zone free of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. Nepal rage oup 155\u00a0 has also initiated actions at home to ratify the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), a landmark agreement to the total elimination of nuclear weap ons. Nepal also supports the Biological and Toxin Weapon Convention (BTWC) and supports the Chemical Weapon Convention&#8217;s active operation and the standards against chemical weapons use under any circumstances.148<\/p><h1>Doctrine of Irredentism<\/h1><p>Irredentism advocates that irredenta(a geographical region that has ethnic and his- torical ties with one country while it is politically controlled by the other) should be administrated and controlled by the country to which they are ethically and histor ically closer. 149 The term is of Latin origin and comes historically from Italy. Italia irredenta (&#8220;un redeemed Italy&#8221;) was the slogan used to refer to the territories partially inhabited by ethnic Italians but under the Austro-Hungarian Empire&#8217;s control during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 150 Irredentism denotes people&#8217;s and territory&#8217;s movement from one state to another and the adjustment of international boundaries, and a transferal of sovereignty. The no tion, which appeared in the nineteenth century, has been at the root of many territorial conflicts since the Second World War.151 Irredentism found a place as a security parameter in the Italian nationalistic narra tives in the second half of the 19th century. Irredentist strategies had appeared even in post-revolutionary France, together with the birth of the nation as a concept. 152 The na tional ethos, which well-defined the European politics of the 19th century, had brought the first wave of irredentism in the Italian and German expansionistic politics, and the early phase of the irredentist strategies ended with the First World War. The understanding of irredentism between the wars was modified under the im pact of the self-determination doctrine, which the US president Woodrow Wilson in troduced at the Paris Peace Conference. But an expansionistic interpretation of this doctrine in Italy and Germany brought devastating consequences.153 Irredentism is connected with some of the forms of nationalism, particularly eth nonationalism and pan-nationalist social movements. It is frequently linked to ethnic ity-based identity politics and political geography, including international politics, and can take various forms. Irredentism is distinct but is also related to separatism.154 It tends to focus on the external dimensions of a state bordering processes and is directly linked to interstate relations.155 There are two significant types of irredentism. The most common one involves an ethnic group that constitutes the majority in the nation-state that makes irredentist claims and a minority in a neighboring country. The second, a more ambiguous one, involves minority populations residing in two or more coun tries. 156 Irredentism has many potentials to arise in many parts of the world because 156\u00a0 state borders hardly incorporate all the people who claim membership in particular ethnic groups. Moreover, national borders sometimes change, thus presenting specific opportunities for irredentist arguments. Crucially, irredentism is complicated and can only be elucidated by inspecting the specific circumstances, and relationships between groups politically, geographically, and historically.157 Taking into consideration the time it took for irredentism to appear and its metamor phosis during the 20th century, irredentism can be categorized into: \u00b7 early irredentism (denotes those standard forms of an expansionist strategy which occurs in numerous European states, from the moment it formed in independent Italy and the founding of &#8220;Associazione pro-Italia irredenta&#8221; or ganization in 1877 until the termination of the Great War),158 \u00b7 inter-war period irredentism (practiced in the period between the Paris Peace Treaty and the commencement of World War II, whose chief characteristic is the synthesis with revisionist strategies of the European states that were de feated in World War I &#8211; Hitler&#8217;s Third Reich and Horthy&#8217;s Hungary), 159 and \u00b7 Modern irredentism (and its common forms after World War II until the pres ent day, with emphasis on postcolonial and post-Cold War irredentism).160 Available literature on irredentism is inadequate, as those concerned with ethnic conflicts often focus on domestic politics. Furthermore, ethnic politics is repeatedly deliberated to be an internal matter within states rather than between them. Lastly, irredentism questions often fall between the cracks because they find a place between ethnic conflict and international relations studies. Another problem recognized in the literature is that irredentism studies are principally descriptive rather than theo ry-driven and seldom explicitly proportional.<\/p><h1>Doctrine of Just War<\/h1><p>In the Western political philosophy, the doctrine of Just War holds the middle ground between two interpretations. While one view is associated with the position of Ath ens in Thucydides&#8217; Melian Dialogue during the Peloponnesian War, claiming there is no moral standard obliging the use of force in war. Today, the position of Athens is associated with &#8220;political realism&#8221; or &#8220;international relations realism.&#8221; 161 The other interpretation, however, is a more pacific one. Historically, the idea of pacifism is associated with the passages from the New Testament.162 Against the same backdrop, Saint Augustine&#8217;s ideas are often acknowledged the early interpretation on the idea of war and justice. Saint Augustine observed that some wars as necessary to amend an evil. Thus, just war theory, according to the pacifists emphasize two points. First, it is a situation that can justify recourse to war, the classic lexicon, the jus ad bellum, and the restriction on methods that may justly be used in waging war, the jus in bello.163 157\u00a0 Classical just war theory necessitates &#8220;the ha Just bitual and mutual recognition&#8221; of &#8220;the fundamen tal unity and moral equality of the belligerents&#8221;.164 Was In a just war, &#8220;the belligerents are not allowed to obscure the common humanity of the belliger ents&#8221;. 165 Consequently, just war theory wants even more than other situations, an explanation for killing enemy combatants. Many just war theo rists translate the moral principle that intentional ly killing innocent human beings is wrong into the Ordered principle that deliberately killing non-combatants Liberty is wrong, with the consequence that killing com batants is not wrong.166 Medieval just war theory commonly acknowledged three goals explaining Photo Credit: Cambridge University Press recourse to war: recovery of something wrongfully taken, defense against attack, and punishment of evil. Modern theorists have abandoned punishment for moral responsibility as a justi fication of war, emphasizing instead the righting of objective wrongs, comprising the defense of human rights. Nevertheless, many contemporary just war theorists bind cause absolutely to defense. In the writings of philosophers, theologians, and other just war theorists, pressure on &#8220;defense&#8221; as the only or primary justification of war has led to an understated but fundamental shift in just war theory.167 Many contemporary just war theorists embrace the causes that may justify armed intervention in a state&#8217;s affairs, in the form of reinstatement of &#8220;an order necessary for decent human existence&#8221;. This suggests some willingness to receive armed force in what has become known in recent decades as &#8220;humanitarian intervention&#8221;.168 For a war to be justified, there must be a proportional relationship between the good to be accom plished and the war costs. Within the just war tradition, nevertheless, several factors make the principle more exciting and less noticeable. The just war standard of last re sort expresses &#8220;the primacy of peace over war in just war thinking.&#8221; 169 Just war theorists approve that even under conditions of modern warfare, there are people who should be considered non-combatants, but disagree in their assessment of where to draw the line between combatants and non-combatants.170 Revisiting the jus ad bellum element of the &#8216;just war&#8217; theory and reviewing its potential utility as a more honest and translucent approach in determining how to respond in a legal, comparable, and ethically defensible manner to future terrorist threats. The &#8216;just war&#8217; doctrine recollects substantial relevance in the case of conven tional armed conflicts, but its feasibility as a context to estimate the justification for unconventional paramilitary operations may be restricted.171 158\u00a0<\/p><h1>End of History Thesis<\/h1><p>Francis Fukuyama&#8217;s thought-provoking book The End of History and the Last Man garnered an astounding amount of popularity in the scholarly world. Fukuyama&#8217;s fundamental idea is that the end of the Cold War authorized an international agree ment favoring liberalism, capitalism, and liberal THE democracy. As he sees it, liberalism has domi nated all rival ideologies, particularly commu END OF nism, and liberal democracy remains the only legitimate government system marking it as the HISTORY triumph of the West, and suggesting it as the &#8216;end of history.&#8221; This prerogative relies on a distinctive notion AND THE of &#8220;history.&#8221; If most scholars today consider histo LAST MAN ry as without grand design, Fukuyama takes this as an understandable reaction to the first half of the twentieth century&#8217;s abominations. He holds NEW YORK FRANCIS that such a formulation necessitates rethinking.2 In BESTSELLER FUKUYAMA the proceedings of the century&#8217;s closing decades, he finds a warrant for reverting to the teleological idea WITH A NEW AFTERWORD of history that can be found in Hegel and Marx&#8217;s secular reworking of the pre-modem determinis Photo Credit: End of History and the Last Man tic understanding. According to this perspective, by Francis Fukuyama (Book Cover) history is progressive, purposive, directional, and oriented toward a specific objective. Fukuyama approves the view, which he recognizes especially with Hegel, that the aim toward which history is concerned is rationality and freedom and that human society advances toward it dialectically through the clash of ideologies.3 The &#8220;end&#8221; of history, according to Fukuyama denotes a state of triumph of liber alism over other forms of ideologies and a victory of free-market over state-imposed restrictions. It celebrates personal freedom. Its where ideological struggle is over. For 164\u00a0 Fukuyama liberal democracy overcomes all the flaws, absurdities, and inconsistencies of previous forms of government and assures the historical dialectic to be at its close.4 His point, he claims, is that history may have ended in the sense that the ideology of liberal democracy signifies the final stage of political evolution. Nationalism and religion, for Fukuyama are likely to persist as a source of violence. Many civilizations have not yet begun, or have barely begun, to understand liberal democracy and will face turbulent times before they do. More precisely, he notes, &#8216;the vast bulk of the Third World remains very much mired in history&#8217;.5 Even &#8216;post-historical,&#8217; Western civilizations have moderately employed liberal democratic principles. For this reason, they are expected to experience continuing internal strife. Fukuyama views that the core engine of development in the modem world is what he terms the &#8220;logic of modem natural science,&#8221;6 entailing instrumental rationality, particularly cal culations of economic cost and benefit.7<\/p><h1>English School of Thought<\/h1><p>The proponents of the English School offer to construct a non-American collection of the macro-IR theory but belong not only to England but from a worldwide range. The school has its origin in the British Committee on the Theory of Internation al Politics founded in January 1959 with the initiative of Herbert Butterfield who believed in the Christian spirit and used the original idea of sin and providence to elucidate the events developing in international relations.8 Related to the idea of international society and the view adopted by the school is regarded as the international society approach, and is associated with Hedley Bull&#8217;s book The Anarchical Society that distinguishes the British approach to international relations from those American and realist approaches where states are driven exclusively by power politics and egoistic materialism, the only laws being &#8220;the laws of the jungle&#8221;.9 More scholars fit into the English School, including Barry Buzan, who is regarded as a &#8220;passive&#8221; English School member and bases his views on Waltz&#8217;s structural idea and believes in constructivism.10 The English School&#8217;s foundation is Martin Wight&#8217;s &#8220;3R&#8221; conversation: Realism, Rationalism, and Revolutionism. Explaining the world in terms of the notions of pow er and system, epitomized by Morgenthau and Waltz, realism was entrenched in the Hobbes&#8217; classical worldview. Revolutionism is rooted in Kant&#8217;s idea and looks at the world through a non-governmental viewpoint. The English School which evolved within the sphere of Rationalism, known as Grotiusism, chose a middle path perceiving the world in a sociological term, and contending that the purpose of a &#8220;world society&#8221; is the ideal outline for the world.11 The pluralist-methodology holds the English School to be a ground-breaking way to diagnose international relations under three perspectives: international system, in 165\u00a0 ternational society, and world society. Unlike typical Realism and Neorealism, English School contends that the international system &#8220;is formed when two or more states have sufficient contact between them and have sufficient impact on one another&#8217;s decisions to cause them to behave, at least in some measure as parts of a whole.&#8221; 12 Bull and Watson who say the English School underscores the normative facet of international relations, disregarded by the former scientific positivism prefer to see soci ety recognized by dialogue, consent and shared rules and institutions for the conduct of their relations with common interest identified in maintaining these arrangements.&#8221; 13 The primary feature of the English School is the distinction between pluralist and soli daristic conceptions of international society. Pluralist conceptions lean toward Rational ism, whereas the solidaristic conceptions lean toward the revolutionary side. Solidarism emphasizes the possibility of shared moral norms underpinning a more expansive, and almost inevitably more interventionist understanding of the international order.14 In essence, the historicism and methodological pluralism of the English School offer methods of reintegrating the fragmented world of IR theory and consolidating connections between IR and the other social sciences and world history.15<\/p><h1>Ethnic Cleansing<\/h1><p>Bosnia and Herzegovina&#8217;s war offered a new lexicon to international relations: &#8216;ethnic cleansing&#8217;. The word was primarily used by journalists and politicians, who applied it later to other crisis circumstances. However, it has also been accepted as part of UN Security Council documents&#8217; official terminology and of other UN bodies and gov ernmental and non-governmental international organizations.16 The word &#8220;ethnic cleansing&#8221; captures the grim reality of an enduring historical problem, like the mass expulsion of ethnic minorities. However, as a state policy, mass expulsion was first ascribed to the Assyrians, (883-859 BCE and 669-627 BCE), who had migrated in a large number (up to 4.5 million people).17 Contrasting the practice it represents, &#8220;ethnic cleansing&#8221; is comparatively a recent term, originating from the Yugoslavian context of the 1990s, and the word being a lit eral translation of the expression &#8220;etni ko i\u0161 enje&#8221; in Serbo-Croatian.18 Ethnic cleansing is not what solicitors call &#8220;a term of art,&#8221; that lacks legal meaning and a body of case law. Ethnic cleansing can be defined as a deliberate policy aimed by, or proposed under the guidance of a nation or ethnic community or with its agreement, to eliminate an &#8220;undesirable&#8221; indigenous populace of a given territory on the foundation of its ethnic or religious origin, or a combination of these, by using force and intimidation.19 Ethnic cleansing, however, is not a synonym for genocide although the two forms appear synonymous owing to the material component common to them, that is, the use of violence, killing, torture, intimidation, rape, and other violent acts.20 There are perceptible differences between the two. First, while genocide is mainly concerned with the extermination of the besieged people, ethnic cleansing is concerned with their elim 166\u00a0 Photo Credit: The New York Times ination and dispossession. Second, although more often than not, killing accompanies ethnic cleansing, the scale of victimization during its operations looks smaller than in the case of genocide. Third, while 20th-century genocides have intricated one-sided mass killings through the acts of ethnic cleansing as what happened in former Yugosla via in the 1990s and Iraq after 2003, the targeted groups have retaliated, though not on the same scale.21 Most importantly, what sets genocide apart from ethnic cleansing, and indeed from any other crime, is the singular intent to terminate the targeted people in whole or in part. By contrast, in ethnic cleansing, perpetrators&#8217; intent is bound up with eliminating the targeted people rather than their extermination.22 Ethnic cleansing has thus become a persistent political issue of burning significance because it is fundamental to the conduct of armed conflicts and its various aspects are becoming gradually apparent in global and national security policy.23 Additionally, the deep-rooted racist sentiments, at times, demonstrated in state practices of distribu tion of resources on the foundation of ethnic criteria, raise serious concerns given that they can be advantageous to the policy of ethnic cleansing. Explanations of security as a rationalization for ethnic cleansing have been regularly associated with nation-state building processes when ethnic minorities are falsely perceived by power elites as a threat to stable security.24 The Hague Convention IV regarding the Laws and Customs of War on Land, as initially adopted in 1899 and reviewed in 1907, bears no explicit mention of the practice of forced removal of civilians, possibly because such a practice was observed at that time &#8220;to have fallen into abeyance&#8221;,25 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1948 and the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms did not overtly address the offence of expulsion.26 Ethnic cleansing as a particular case of mass expulsion may 167\u00a0 be considered unlawful on the grounds of discrimination (the expulsion of a group of people on the ground of belonging to that specific group) and arbitrariness (the absence of due process) of which prohibition appears in a great many human rights conven tions and declarations. Discriminatory and arbitrary mass expulsion, comprising ethnic cleansing, infringes the letter and spirit of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European and American Human Rights conventions, as well as the Interna tional Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.27 It is significant to emphasize that the policy of ethnic cleansing essentially signifies a violation of human rights and international humanitarian law. It may be most suitable to define forms of ethnic cleansing that are not intended for extermination as specific crimes perpetrated within the framework of crimes against humanity.28<\/p><h1>Ethnicity<\/h1><p>The term &#8220;ethnicity&#8221; is derived from Greek. During Homer&#8217;s days (between 750 and 650 BC), the term ethnos was functional to various large, undistinguishable groups (warriors and bees and birds) and meant roughly &#8216;throng&#8217; or &#8216;swarm.&#8217;29 Aristotle (384 322 BC) used the word to signify alien or &#8216;barbarous&#8217; groups as discrete from Hellenic civilization. In the Greek version of &#8220;New Testament&#8221; ethnicity denotes non-Christian or non-Jewish populaces.30 The modern academic usage of the term &#8216;ethnic&#8217; originated in the early 19th century. In the 1830s and 1840s, scientific &#8216;ethnological&#8217; societies, dedicated to the scholarship of the origin, characteristics, and progress of the world&#8217;s diverse people originated in Europe and the USA. The word ethnic was then applied to designate dissimilarities in religion, behavior, lifestyle, or phenotype.31 In tracing the origin and definition of the word &#8220;ethnicity&#8221;, the primordialist ap proach is the oldest in anthropological and sociological literature. It contends that ethnicity is approximately given, recognized at birth, originating from the kin-and clan-structure of human society, and therefore something fixed and permanent. The Photo Credit: University of Nebraska 168\u00a0 epiphenomenon approach is best characterized by Michael Hechter&#8217;s theory of internal colonialism and cultural division of labor, and, to a reduced extent, by Edna Bonacich (1972). Hechter (1978) divides the economic structure of society into two areas- center and periphery. The periphery contains marginal jobs, where products are not insignif icant to the public but has little in the practice of compensation associated with the center&#8217;s jobs. In this peripheral labor, immigrants concentrate and grow their solidarity, and maintain their culture. Therefore, ethnicity is something generated and sustained by an unstable economy or a product of economic exploitation.32 Similarly, the logic of the situational approach is based on rational choice theory. According to this approach, ethnicity is pertinent in some situations but not in others. Individuals may choose to be considered as members of an ethnic group if they find it to their advantage. Therefore, ethnicity is &#8220;a group choice in which resources are mobi lized for the resolution of pressuring the political system to assign public goods for the benefit of the members of a self-differentiating collectivity.&#8221; 33 However, the significance of ethnicity&#8217;s notion depends on the implication of sev eral other concepts, principally those of ethnic group and ethnic identity. Ethnicity comprises an implicit reference to the collective and individual experience. There are numerous elementary magnitudes which ethnicity comprises, on either the collective or individual level.34 As an attempt to quantify ethnicity fully, it must find at least some indicators of each one of these magnitudes. Hence, ethnicity can be said to have both an objective and a subjective dimension. Methodologically, the dissimilarity between the two consists of direct or indirect observability. Objective facets can be witnessed as evidence in institutions&#8217; existence, comprising kinship and descent and individuals overt behavior patterns. The subjective scope refers to attitudes, values, and preconcep tions, whose meaning must be construed in the framework of communication.35 In the context of Nepal, the term ethnicity carries a special meaning. Nepal is a multi-ethnic nation with diverse religions, languages, and cultural traditions. The word &#8220;ethnicity&#8221; incorporates certain cultural qualities such as a collective name, a shared history, a common myth of descent, and association with a specific territory. Practically all Adibasi\/Janajati groups of Nepal fall under this definition.36 The Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) of Nepal in 2011 verified a list of 1,250 ethnic\/caste and 207 reli gious groups in Nepal. The Adibasi\/Janajati Utthan Prathistan (2002) delivered a list of 59 cultural groups within the Adibasi\/Janajati category alone. A Technical Committee formed by Adiabsi\/Janajati Pratisthan under Om Gurung&#8217;s leadership restructured this list to 81 groups. But the meaning of Adibasi\/Janajati seems quiet abstract and arbitrary in Nepal&#8217;s context, as many of the Adibasi\/Janajajti groups are Hindus.37 The Janajati groups are distributed regionally into two distinct cultural groups: Hill Janajati and Tarai Janajati. Some of the Hill Janajati groups are Newar, Magar, Sunuwar, Bhote, Gurung Rai, Limbu, Sherpa, Raji, and Raute, Some of the Tarai (Madhesi) Janajati Groups Leave Tharo, Dhimal, Dahangar\/Zhangar, Gangine, Satar\/San thal, Koche and others. Some scholars, however, do not consider Tharus and other Tarai Janajati groups in the Madhesi group.38 Hence, ethnicity in the Nepali context is 169\u00a0 characterized by a degree of plasticity. Because, in Nepal, as James Fisher says, Nepalis are more Didi-Bahini(sisters) and Daju Bhais (brothers), instead of looking at the di verse ethnic composition in Nepal only from the lens of ethnicity.<\/p><h1>Euro<\/h1><p>Launched in 1999, Euro was put into circulation on January 1, 2002. But the ef- forts were around for decades as per Rome Treaty in 1957. In 1979, the European Monetary System (EMS) was introduced and locked exchange rates among the par ticipating countries, which helped to stabilize the economy. In 1992, the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) was formed, which set the basics for creating a single currency. The euro symbol was encouraged by the Greek letter epsilon, reflecting the cradle of European civilization. &#8220;E&#8221; is, of course, the first letter of the word Europe. The two complete parallel horizontal lines are intended to symbolize the steadiness of the currency. The official abbreviation of the Euro, EUR, was set by the Interna tional Organization for Standardization (ISO). The currency used in nineteen of them has replaced their national currencies with the single currency &#8211; the Euro. These EU countries form the euro area, also known as the Eurozone. They are Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Estonia, Finland, France, Ger many, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Spain. The Euro is the result of the most significant monetary reform in Europe since the Roman Empire. Euro has been opted by countries to have a perfect single market and is a proper channel through which Europe may further strengthen its economic integration. The 19-euro area member states have a single currency, an ordinary interest rate, and a typical central bank (European System of Central Banks.) It is the most extensive economic development or change the world has ever seen. 10 2050100200 5 EURO EURO EURO EYPQ EYPO EURO EYPQ EYPOT EURO EURO EBPO EBRO EBPOI EBPOR EYPQ EBPOU EYPQ EBPO Photo Credit: The Federalist Review 170<\/p><h1>European Union<\/h1><p>European Union (EU) was established after the Second World War and administered by a set of treaties since the first Treaty of Rome (Treaty instituting the European Econom ic Community, 1957). Unlike a Free Trade Area (FTA) and the customs union, the Eu ropean Community (within the EU) has a shared trade policy toward non-members.39 The Treaty of Lisbon came into action on Photo Credit: The European Union December 1, 2009, and is currently the key amending document in the history to date of the EU. Community law has become European Union Law with the assignment of legal personality on the EU.40 The European Union (EU) was established in 1957 to generate an ever-closer union between the peoples and societies of Europe.41 Concerned initially with im proving economic cooperation among member states, the EU has extended its role in current decades to play a substantial part in policy areas that had conventionally been the reserve of nation-states. The EU functions on a combination of supranational and intergovernmental models, where nation-states permit the EU the right to decide on definite subjects, but preserve the power for autonomous action in others.42 When European states started to collaborate economically in 1951, only Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg, France, Italy, and the Netherlands participated. The Union presently counts 27 EU states. The United Kingdom withdrew from the European Union on January 31, 2020.43 Consequently, the member states in the EU are Austria, Italy, Belgium, Latvia, Bulgaria, Lithuania, Croatia, Luxembourg, Cyprus, Malta, Czech Republic, Netherlands, Denmark, Poland, Estonia, Portugal, Finland, Romania, France, Slovakia, Germany, Slovenia, Greece, Spain, Hungary, Sweden, and Ireland.44 The EU has a multifaceted government structure made up of bodies known jointly as the EU institutions. They are responsible for formulating EU laws, handling EU projects, allocating EU money, and determining the future course of the EU. Institu tions vital in the decision-making in the European Union are the European Council, the European Commission, the European Parliament (EP), the Council of the Euro pean Union (CEU), the European Court of Justice (ECJ), and the European Court of Auditors (ECA).45 The European Council was introduced to make official the meetings of heads of state that had previously been convoked irregularly. Organized in 1975 in Dublin for the first time and meeting at least two times a year, it is formed by the heads of gov ernment of member states and attended by foreign affairs ministers. The state that presently holds the presidency of the CEU supervises the function. The Maastricht Treaty was the originator of the Union&#8217;s first policies, which established arbitration power in conflict problems between ministers who cannot reach an agreement in the 171\u00a0 CEU. It also addresses persistent international problems through the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) intended to permit the EU to declare with one voice on diplomatic topics.46 The Council of the European Union (CEU), composed of the ministers from EU countries defend the interest of the member states. Council presidency is held by one of the member states for a six-month period, which awards a vital role in the organiza tional activities and is a driving force in the legislative and political decision process.47 The associations are held under the CEU and attended by the member states&#8217; ministers responsible for issues to be addressed. It affects a legislative power, usually in decision with the European Parliament to guarantee economic policy management of member states; describes and puts standard foreign and security policy into practice; detects in ternational accords in the name of the Union; synchronizes state movement and accepts procedures in the space of police cooperation and penal matters, and establishes the authority that passes the Community budget.48 The most customary procedure to support decisions is by a qualified majority of the 27 member states, whereby each state, depending on its population, has a share of the 345 total votes (2007). Most of the member states must pass the accepted decisions, and any state may petition authorization that the votes in favor represent at least 62 percent of the total populace of the EU.49 The European Commission embodies and protects the interests of the EU, recommends policies, legislation, and proceedings, and is accountable for applying the decisions of the EP and the CEU. Since 2007 it has encompassed 24,000 functionaries and 27 members. The president is nominated for five years by the governments of member states, and s\/he thus elects his or her commissioner, who must be acknowledged by the Parliament. With headquarters in Brussels and Luxembourg, the Commission is maintained by an administration made up of 36 General Directorates. The president is responsible for allotting work to each commissioner, who meet once a week to pass proposals.50 The European Parliament (EP), the EU&#8217;s law-making body, is directly elected by EU voters every 5 years and has legislative, supervisory, and budgetary roles. The Par liament has twenty committees and three sub-committees, each handling a particular policy area. The Court of European Justice (CJEU), the court of European Justice, which interprets EU law to make sure it is applied in the same way in all EU countries, and settles legal disputes between national governments and EU institutions, is divided into two courts: Court of Justice and General Court. The European Court of Auditors (ECA) which looks after the interests of EU taxpayers, does not have legal powers, but works to improve the European Commission&#8217;s management of the EU budget and reports of EU finances. The European Union (EU) remains fully dedicated to multilateralism and rules based global order with the United Nations at its principal body, encouraging peace and security and increasing stable partnerships in protecting universal rights and free doms. This commitment makes the EU a consistent and foreseeable partner for states and organizations worldwide, be it the Paris Climate Agreement, the UN Sustain 172\u00a0 able Development Goals (SDGs), the International Criminal Court, or the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. The European Union is the largest investor in building solid international relations, and in initiating strategic economic partnership agreements with important players worldwide.51 The EU is also a central trade power, as the largest trading partner for any state globally. The EU has made trade agreements with 12 countries, comprising Japan, stone Canada, and several African countries. As the central provider and the leading destina tion of foreign direct investments in the world, the EU set up the External Investment the Plan to fund states in Africa and the EU neighborhood to activate up to 44 billion in in investments by 2020.52 Nepal and European Community initiated diplomatic relations in 1975. Howev The er, development cooperation began two years earlier in 1973. The EU established its Technical Office at Kathmandu in 1992, and Nepal opened a residential Embassy in Brussels. The European Commission established its Delegation to Nepal afterward; of formally signed on 13 March 2002 in Kathmandu, the office has been upgraded to the ambassadorial level since 2009 December.53 ns The EU has been helping Nepal to transform it into a prosperous, democratic, and egalitarian state. The EU-Nepal relations are guided by the policies for poverty reduc nc tion and distribution of economic prosperity, developing physical infrastructure, good governance and post-earthquake reconstruction and rehabilitation. The collective ef forts are put on the areas of parts: sustainable rural development, education, democracy, and reconstruction.54 Everything but Arms (EBA) has been made duty-free and on all products from the Least Developed Countries (LDC). Under this additional preference program, Nepal exported sugar duty-free to the EU states from 2003.55 For Nepal, to utilize this trade regime, the EU has offered its assistance also in communication with the Multi-Annual Indicative Program. The EU also approves sustainable consumption and production and encourages investments, particularly in energy connectivity. Many Nepali students benefit from the Erasmus Mundus programs. Thematic assistance of EU stresses combating gender-based violence and cast discrimination, proper treatment of prisoners, strengthening the culture of freedom of expression, improving work and livelihood of Tibetan and Bhutanese refugees and support to the electoral process.56 EU has been specifically interested in financial and technical aid for Nepal&#8217;s re construction after the 2015 earthquake. The EU has helped the School Sector Reform Program (SSRP) for many years and currently supports Nepal&#8217;s School Sector Devel opment Plan (SSDP) 2016-2023.57 EU also helps the rural economy by fostering in creased and modest agricultural productivity, market access, and sustainable controlling of natural resources, develop nutrition, job formation, infrastructure development, cli mate change adaptation and mitigation, and enlarged resilience. In 2011 the EU unit ed and subsidized the Nepal Peace Trust Fund (NPTF) (EUR 18 million), the joint initiative of the Nepal government, and international development partners to support implementation of the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) that resolved the decade-long armed conflict.58 173\u00a0<\/p><h1>Feminist Theory<\/h1><p>The word &#8216;feminism&#8217; originated from the Latin word &#8216;Femina&#8217;, signifying &#8216;woman&#8217; and was primarily used with concern to the matters of equality. In recent days, terms like &#8216;feminism&#8217; are political tags signifying support for the new Women&#8217;s Movement which emerged in the late 1960s.1 In defining the term, many scholars have put for ward a whole set of ideas, among which, Simone de Beauvoir claims that the terms &#8220;masculine and feminine are used correspondingly only as a matter of form on the legal papers.&#8221; The explanation of the word &#8216;feminism&#8217; varies from person to person. In &#8220;Feminism in English Fiction&#8221;, Chaman Nahal outlines feminism as &#8220;a manner of existence in which the woman is unrestricted of the dependence syndrome.&#8221; 2 Feminism as a theory is a firm belief that women have been given a subordinate status by male controlled social discourse and western philosophical institution from human civilization&#8217;s commencement. The feminist theorists call these concepts into question by expressing disapproval and offering ways to struggle against masculine WOMEN of the SMA RE SISTERS OF THE ANTHE POLY WORLD SEX WORLD SISTERS UNITE UNITE FRE ERIC liberal LOVE Photo Credit: Vox 176\u00a0 coded codes of conduct. They base their counter-arguments in the theoretical and philosophical structure while taking historical reconsideration of the history to re-es tablish emerging feminist literary canon.3 Thus, feminist literary theory is the addi tion of feminism into the theoretical or philosophical structure to examine the causes behind women&#8217;s inferior position and discover women&#8217;s literary tradition.4 The feminist thinkers do not follow a simple &#8216;left-right&#8217; outlook of politics, nor do they view politics in the state&#8217;s positions, as most &#8216;traditional&#8217; philosophies and movements do. They believe that female emancipation and the accomplishment of female equality with men, necessitates a broader front than party politics or the at tainment of power within the state. It necessitate an examination of the power rela tions between men and women in all parts of society. One can see this in several parts of public and private life; sex, gender, &#8216;sexism&#8217;, and patriarchy.5 The history of the contemporary western feminist movement can be divided into three waves. It was Maggie Humm who divided the advent and evolution of the mod ern western feminist movements into three &#8220;waves&#8221;.6 All three feminist waves deal with diverse facets of the same feminist subjects. The first wave feminist movement was initiated in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During this era, women cam paigned for suffragette movements and raised their voice for equal access to the parlia ment and voting rights.7 The second wave originated in the 1960s and was related to the diverse thinkers campaigning for equal social and legal rights for women. In this era, many landmark works appeared in the literary field, encouraging women&#8217;s liberation from masculine-implied language and philosophical structure.8 The third wave was a continued response to the supposed failures of the second-wave feminism. This move ment appeared in the 1990s in the form of ecofeminism, post-colonial feminism, and gender studies. The feminist theorists related to this movement promoted social justice for women.9 Likewise, the fourth-wave feminism that started in 2012 is linked with technologies like Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, and other forms of social networks. Movements like &#8220;Every Sexism Project&#8221; and &#8220;Me Too Movement&#8221; are related to it.10 Some critics have forwarded the idea that feminism can properly be called an &#8216;ideology&#8217;, selecting to see it as a literary or even a cultural movement.11 There are divisions within feminism on its aims, methods, theories, and inspirations. Four top strands of feminist thinking can be recognized: liberal feminism, socialist feminism, conservative feminism, and radical feminism. Liberal feminism ruled the &#8216;first wave&#8217; of feminism throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This form of feminism is fundamentally liberalism, highlighting the individual&#8217;s importance, with the insistent assertion of female equality. It stresses a &#8216;level playing field&#8217;, protected by law so that women receive the same as men and aim at the same jobs as do men. It presumes the competition of the marketplace and accepts that women can, and should, contest equally with men.12 The socialist feminists hold that the restraints of Capitalism, both at the ideolog ical and institutional fronts, can terminate women&#8217;s oppression. It regards feminism as a class struggle and believes that it can only be attained as part of that general strug 177\u00a0 gle. Some socialist feminists consider that class is so significant in forming identity that it cuts women off from their fellow women in other, opposing classes.13 At the same time, conservative feminists believe that women should have &#8216;sovereignty&#8217; with in their range of life. Cultural expressions of this approach, such as the strict dress code of many Islamic states, may appear suppressive, but they reinforce women&#8217;s dig nity and freedom.14 Lastly, Radical feminism holds that the suppression of women is an essential feature of almost all civilizations, past and present, and is the most serious of all the oppressions. Such a coercion triggered by patriarchal domination is all-per vasive and takes many political, religious, cultural, economic, and social forms.15 Consequently, &#8216;feminism&#8217; was a social movement, rooted in a sequence of resistance movements against the idea of patriarchy, social inequality and the role of capitalism in the subjugation of women. The establishment was a fragmented and incoherent system, but now the feminist theory is a well-recognized field of critical inquiry and study. The range of feminist literary theory incorporates a mode of re-claiming and founding women&#8217;s autonomous identity in social and literary circles and improving parallel to male-centric literary discourse. Thus, today we can notice vast and var ied range of feminist thinkers who apply post-Structuralist, Marxist, psychoanalytic, and postcolonial approaches to de-center male ideology to outline, create, and attain women&#8217;s social justice in all domains of life.16 If we look at the Nepali society from a feminist viewpoint, we find it is still domi nated by patriarchal standards and morals in practice, although laws and policies have been enacted based on of gender equality. The feminist movements in Nepal actually can be traced back to Yogmaya&#8217;s rebellion in 1917.17 It has passed through a number of phases and episodes.18 As a consequence, the new constitution of Nepal 2015 has addresses the issue on women&#8217;s right encompassing questions of decent, proportional participation, repro ductive right, law regarding violence against women as well as affirmative measure on education, health, employment and social security as well as the equal rights of both spouses in property and family matters. Under the right to equality, siblings&#8217; equal rights to ancestral property (art.18-5) have also been guaranteed.19<\/p><h1>Foreign Aid<\/h1><p>As a key instrument after the Second World War, for the rich states to support im- proved living situations in the less developed parts of the world, alleviate poverty, and reduce income differences, foreign aid can be defined as the voluntary transfer of resources from one state to another that includes flow of capital to developing states as a loan or grant, in soft or hard or a complex forms.20 Generally, &#8220;Foreign aid&#8221; is a broad group of grants to other states for economic development, health, and emergency response to disasters. It also may be used for se curity and military assistance, counter-narcotics and counter-terrorism activities, and 178\u00a0 PROJECTS FUNDING GRANTS Photo Credit: Shutterstock in agendas to fight corruption and increase public transparency. Military assistance was deliberated as a form of foreign aid till the 1950s. Since then, some states still deliver military assistance and equipment to other states, not foreign aid.21 Foreign aid may be bilateral, given from one state directly to another; or it may be multilateral, provided by the donor state or an international organization such as the World Bank or the United Nations Agencies (UNDP, UNICEF, UNESCO, and others). The Official Development Assistance (ODA) is the most frequently accepted measure of foreign aid for international development purposes.22 In 1969, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) founded &#8216;Official Development As sistance&#8217; as a common measure to see how well the efforts of donor governments, meet international development objectives. Development intention is central to ODA&#8217;s idea to promote the economic development and welfare of the developing states.23 Foreign aid has been operational in attaining its objectives. Foreign aid was ef fective in rebuilding Europe after the Second World War. Concerning development assistance, it has helped decrease smallpox disease, increases the life age, and reduces the whole world&#8217;s fertility rate. Foreign aid can be an auxiliary for private capital, providing funds for investment in public goods that these developing states&#8217; interna tional capital market will not provide or offer a higher interest rate.24 In many cases, foreign aid has reinforced governments in their pursuit of economic and political policies which have been economically unproductive. These policies comprise special bad treatment groups, restrictions on private trade, assets confiscation, price poli cies that discourage agricultural production and expropriation of foreign capital and enterprises, and private capital and enterprises&#8217; flow.25 Pursuing such economic and political policies, at times, also deteriorates state&#8217;s economic performance as the result of aid conditionalities and structural adjustment program.26 But, the least developed countries and developing countries are not in a position to abandon foreign aid and assistance. Article 59 (6) of the Constitution mandates the Government of Nepal to 179\u00a0 leverage foreign resources to maintain macro-economic stability in the country. The Constitution also has explicit provisions on the role of Federal and State Government in foreign aid mobilization.27 According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the assessment of international development aid reached $152.8 billion in 2019, a minor increase over 2018, and a group of wealthy donor nations, the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, Japan, France, Sweden, and the Netherlands became the most prominent donors in 2019.28 Similarly, the largest recipients of the foreign aid worldwide in 2019 were Yemen, Syria, South Sudan, Somalia, Democrat ic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Iraq and others.29 Foreign aid has been a funding socio-economic development apparatus that dates back to the mid-1950s, when Nepal embarked on planned development with the First Five Year Development Plan, 1956-61, the whole development budget was financed by foreign aid. Foreign aid was a primary basis of development financing until the late 1980s. Foreign aid remains to play an essential share in Nepal&#8217;s devel opment. The role of foreign aid is mainly indispensable, and it assists to compliment and growth. In the early 1980s, the foreign aid used to fund some 75 percent of each fiscal year&#8217;s development spending. Nepal&#8217;s insufficient domestic saving to collect increasing resources for poverty eradication; generate an environment for attracting foreign direct investment and endorsing private sector investment; channel increased resources to priority areas of the economy to speed up development action; and ad vance the state&#8217;s capability to identify, measure and regulate technology to speed up manufacture and efficacy of the economy, which is one of the elementary circum stances for reaching the poverty alleviation objective.30 While the share of foreign aid in the annual budget was around 20 to 22 percent in FY 2012\/13 to FY 2014\/15 AD, it skipped to 29 percent in FY 2016\/17, mainly because of the post-earthquake reconstruction actions. Foreign aid is funded around 22 percent to the FY 2017\/18.31 In Nepal, the Development Cooperation Report 2018, circulated by the Finance Ministry on January 16, 2019, specified a 16 percent rise in foreign aid disbursement to Nepal (USD 1.62 billion) at the end of the fiscal year. Asian Development Bank (ADB), United Kingdom, USAID and the European Union were the prominent do nors.32 According to that report, in the fiscal year 2018-19, Nepal received foreign aid totaling $1.79 billion from multilateral and bilateral donors and international non-gov ernmental organizations. Of the total money, multilateral and bilateral sponsors gave $1.57 billion, and international NGOs doled out $215 million. Bilateral donors ac counted for 60 percent of the foreign aid Nepal received in the last fiscal and multi lateral donors the rest. According to the Development Cooperation Report, in the last fiscal year, official development assistance made up 24 percent of the national budget.39 The global economy facing the recession from of the COVID-19 pandemic con dition will disturb the foreign aid throughout the world from the developed states to the developing states,34 This may also affect Nepal&#8217;s aid portion largely the bilateral portion, and less aid from multilateral agencies such as the World B orld Bank and Asian De 180\u00a0 velopment Bank is less likely to get affected by the pandemic.35 Due to the pandemic, the Government of Nepal has been facing a hard time gathering revenue, where the foreign aid plays a significant part. Although Nepal has accepted a disheartening policy for ability development and guiding more money towards the infrastructure region, constructing capability has also become significant as the provincial and local governments lack the expertise to achieve their mandatory roles in this regard.36<\/p><h1>Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)<\/h1><p>Foreign Direct Investment can be defined as cross-border invest FDI ment made by a resident from one economy in an enterprise into another economy, to establish a lasting interest in the investee economy.37 FDI involves both ini tial transaction establishing rela tionship between the investor and the enterprise and all succeeding capital connections between them and associated enterprises, incor Photo Credit: Ratna Sagar Shrestha, The Himalayan Times porated as well as unincorporated. FDI is also described as &#8220;investment into a country&#8217;s business by a company in another country&#8221;. Mostly the investment is into construction by either purchasing a company in the target state or expanding operations of an existing business in that country.38 Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in this way has become now an essential source of private capital for developing countries. The UN conference on Finance for De velopment (FfD) argues that &#8216;private international capital flows, particularly foreign direct investment, along with international financial stability, are vital complements to national and international development efforts&#8217;.39 The part of FDI in improving technology, skills and managerial capabilities is now well accepted. Over and above the investments conceivable with the available domestic resources, additional invest ments help provide much-needed employment opportunities. Foreign Direct Invest ment continues to gain importance as a form of international economic transaction and an international economic integration instrument.40 FDI can be classified from the investor&#8217;s perspective (the source country) and the host country&#8217;s perspective. Caves (1971) differentiates between horizontal FDI, vertical FDI, and conglomerate FDI from the investor&#8217;s perspective. Horizontal FDI is assumed for horizontal expansion to produce the same or similar kinds of goods abroad (in the host state) as in the home state. Vertical FDI, alternatively, is accepted to exploit raw materials (backward vertical FDI) or to be nearer to the consumers 181\u00a0 through the acquirement of distribution outlets (forward vertical FDI). The third type of FDI, conglomerate FDI, comprises both horizontal and vertical FDI.41 From the host country&#8217;s perspective, FDI can be classified into import-substitut ing FDI, export-increasing FDI, and government-initiated FDI. Import-substituting FDI involves producing goods previously imported by the host country, indicating that imports by the host state and exports by the investing state will decline. On the other hand, export-increasing FDI is motivated by the desire to seek new input sources, such as raw materials and intermediate goods, whereas government-initiated FDI may be triggered, for instance, when a government offers incentives to foreign investors in an attempt to elimin- ate a balance of payments deficit.42 Most FDI is supported out by multinational corporations (MNCs). However, it is difficult to pinpoint what constitutes an MNC, and there is not even an agreement on what to call these firms, but a distinction is made between the terms &#8216;internation al&#8217;, &#8216;multinational&#8217; and &#8216;transnational&#8217;. The MNCs and FDI are closely related, where MNCs can import the FDI to the host state, and also through export-oriented enter prise or intent of MNCs to start a new venture at other states can increase the export of the FDI.43 Since the FDI involves the transfer of financial capital, technology and other skills (managerial, marketing, accounting, and others), FDI creates economic, political and social effects in the host state. The economic effects of FDI can be cat egorized into macro effects and micro effects. The usual convention in analyzing the macro effects of FDI is to treat it as a rise in foreign borrowing, whereas the micro effects of FDI pertain to structural changes in the economic and industrial organi zation. Similarly, the political effects on the host state could be through the policy influence and policy corruption, and the social effects of FDI directly affect factors such as poverty, quality of life, sustainable development and others.44 Regarding current FDI flow, the Global foreign direct investment (FDI) streams fell by 49% in the first half of 2020 related to 2019, due to the economic upshot from COVID-19, revealed by UNCTAD&#8217;s latest Global Investment Trends Monitor.45 Howev er, the flow of FDI was correct in 2019, where the top states with the highest outflows by UNCTAD were Japan, China, France, Hong Kong, Germany, the Netherlands, Canada and the United Kingdom. Similarly, the top states to receive the FDI were the United States, China, Hong Kong, Singapore, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom.46 As a developing state, the FDI remains the major contributor to the state&#8217;s econo my and development in Nepal&#8217;s case. Understanding the significance of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) for economic development, Nepal has accepted a liberal investment policy to entice FDI ever since the 1990s. Recent reports on FDI have indicated that the projects are growing, and the amount invested has also bourgeoned.47 According to UNCTAD&#8217;s 2020 World Investment Report, FDI inflows increased from USD 67 million in 2018 to USD 185 million in 2019 but still the inflow of FDI remains low than other neighboring states in South Asia. The top six investment states in Nepal are China, India, the USA, South Korea, Japan, and the UK.48 Nepal&#8217;s government hosted the investment summit in 2019, and 15 MOUs were signed with investors from different countries. Nepal investment summit has been 182\u00a0 able to generate an outline investment climate for doing business in Nepal. For this, the Investment Board of Nepal office was established in 2011 intended to instruct and endorse investment in Nepal. Similarly, private business and investment bodies like FNCCI, MCCI, and CNI are represented.49 Nepal&#8217;s doing business score reached at 63.2 in 2020, ranked with 94th position among the 190 states.50 According to the World Bank, Nepal has upgraded cross border indicators, time and cost of export and imports, enhanced construction services, electricity, and implementation of the contract, even though Nepal is facing different kinds of business hazards.51<\/p><h1>Free Trade<\/h1><p>The term free trade denotes free movement of goods, labor, services, and capital across national borders without the intrusion of government-imposed economic or regulato ry barriers. Liberalization of trade by decreasing import taxes (tariffs) and eliminating non-tariff barriers internationally, through the bilateral and regional agreements.52 While economic theory holds that all aspects of production should be permitted to move freely according to market forces, generally, labor flow is not allowed. Free trade theory accepts that people or state enter market place with comparable levels of economic power, independent actors have different kinds of endowments and pref erences, and tend to cooperate freely when state functions as a middleman regarding free markets as efficient mechanisms for producing wealth but does not recognize that they are also devices for concentrating wealth.53 The origin of the free trade regime can be traced to Adam Smith&#8217;s writing in 1776, David Ricardo&#8217;s comparative advantage theory stimulated states to specify spe cific products.54 By the 1930s, economists began to hold free trade to endorse both Photo Credit: The New York Times 183\u00a0 peace and prosperity. After World War II, economists and policymakers reconstruct ed the global economic system, creating the International Trade Organization (ITO) to adjust trade between nations. Because the ITO was never founded, the interim General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) became the &#8220;de facto institution&#8221; for governing international trade in the postwar era until the WTO substituted it,55 in 1995, 123 states came together to govern trade in goods and services, intellectual property, agriculture, and textiles.56 Over much of the more than half of the century of GATT and WTO history, regional trading arrangements have been a sideshow in international trade relations. Overall, European integration has been a case of success of the free trade regime.57 In contrast, South-South regional pacts usually have failed because of their emphasis on import-substitution policies. Over the past three decades, regionalism has trans formed dramatically, involving different states linking developed and developing states in reciprocal trading arrangements and expanding beyond local neighborhoods to connect trading partners across continents. Free trade advocates quote the main advantage of pursuing regional pacts in tandem with multilateral reforms that promote trade liberalization, create applicable precedents for WTO talks, and strengthening alliances trading partners.58 Critics of free trade quote problems created by the negotiation and implementation of regional trade agreements, such as trade and investment diversion (which may also create disincentives to advance WTO talks), coinciding and conflicting trading rules and regulations, attention and resource diversion from WTO talks, and bad precedents for trade accords.59 Recurrent failures of multilateral negotiations, particularly at various ministerial WTO meetings, have led to increased regional trade agreements. The enlarged in ternationalization of markets and the fear of losing out to other inefficient producers have put pressure on individual states to become part of regional trade agreements. One of the less integrated regions globally is South Asia, where free trade is a matter of heavy debate. The South Asia Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) is one regional trad ing agreement formed over the last three decades. But, the intra-regional trade here has been minimal, and trade barriers and inter-state conflict are among the reasons for the low level of free trade.60 Free Trade in Nepal can be traced back more than 600 years when merchants of the Kathmandu valley traded with Tibet. Nepal has signed agreements on trade and transit with India, China, Bangladesh, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Egypt, Democratic Republic of Korea, Republic of Korea, Mongolia, Pakistan, Poland, Romania, Sri Lanka, United Kingdom, and the USA,61 became the 147th Member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) on 23 April 2004, and has entered into two regional trade agreements (RTAs) &#8211; Agreement on South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Trade and Economic Cooperation Free Trade Area (BIMSTEC FTA) Framework, apart from a bilateral agreement with India, its largest trading partner in1950.62 184\u00a0<\/p><h1>Genocide<\/h1><p>Until the end of Second World War, genocide was a &#8220;crime without a name,&#8221; as stated by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill. But the man who termed the crime by locating it in a global-historical framework and demanded intervention and corrective action was Raphael Lemkin (1900-59). His explanation was comprehen sive that concentrated on &#8220;a coordinated plan of different actions aiming to destroy essential foundations of the life of national groups, intending to annihilate the groups themselves.&#8221; 1 The United Nations introduced in 1948 a more restricted conception of geno cide through the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide to mean [ &#8230; ] any of the following acts committed with int ent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical [sic], racial or religious group, as such: a) Killing members of the group; b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.2 UN&#8217;s idea of genocide offered a stan dard definition also for the international criminal law. From a theoretical standpoint, it suffers from a variety of conceptual prob lems. First, it imposes a somewhat arbitrary difference between victim categories, leav ing out other historically targeted groups such as political and economic sufferers. Second, it fails to elucidate what establishes the threshold of &#8220;in part&#8221; destruction; third, Photo Credit: The Common 187\u00a0 it leaves unclear the amount of preplanning and coordination essential to contain the &#8220;intent&#8221; component. Finally, it comprises various actions that can be regarded as genocidal (direct killing, severe mental or physical harm, and forcibly transferring children) but fails to address the aims shared that render them genocidal.3 The UN definition specifies that genocide is an intentional act, not only the derivative of other policies or actions. The significance of intent stems from the Ho locaust, which was initially seen as the outcome of Hitler&#8217;s preplanned obsession with eradicating Jews. In the study of genocide, the definitions of genocide&#8217;s agents, victims, goals, scale, strategies, and intent are significant. In describing agents, one can notice several approaches that emphasis on &#8220;state and official authorities&#8221;, &#8220;dominant group, vested with formal authority&#8221;, &#8220;state bureaucratic apparatus&#8221;, and &#8220;government or its agents&#8221; as agents.4 In comparison, victims are acknowledged as social minorities who display profound susceptibility and\/or &#8220;essential defenselessness&#8221; replicated in the intensively &#8220;one-sided mass killing&#8221; inflicted upon them.5 The goals of genocide are believed to be the destruction\/eradication of the victim group and\/or its culture, but beyond this, the component of purpose is surprisingly little elaborated. As for scale, the study of genocide ranges from targeting of a victim group &#8220;in its totality&#8221; to terminology like &#8220;in whole or part&#8221;, &#8220;in whole or in large part&#8221;, and &#8220;in whole or in substantial part&#8221;.6 Similarly, strategies denote the &#8220;coordi nated plan of different actions,&#8221; to explain which the UN Convention lists a range of such acts. Genocidal strategies may be direct or indirect, comprising &#8220;economic and biological subjugation&#8221;. They may include the killing of elites, &#8220;elimination of na tional (racial, ethnic) culture and religious life with the intent of &#8216;denationalization&#8221;&#8221;; and &#8220;prevention of normal family life, with the same intent&#8221;. It also implies &#8220;breaking the linkage between reproduction and socialization of children in the family or group of origin,&#8221; an injunction against &#8220;preventing births within the group.&#8221; 7 For a while, genocide is an extreme form of violence that comprehensibly pro duces stark moral, political, and legal responses; it is also a compound historical outcome no less agreeable to nuanced analysis than other forms of violence or unde niably other forms of general political conflict. A theoretically sophisticated account of genocide would treat it as a dynamic, multilevel process that comprises several actors (not just &#8220;perpetrators&#8221; and &#8220;victims&#8221;)8 and would try to recognize the criti cal situations and patterns of violence escalation, maintenance, and de-escalation. It would disaggregate the notion of &#8220;emerging intentionality,&#8221; decentering our analyti cal emphasis beyond the state-level and single victim group, looking at microanalysis to theorize subtleties and collaborations, and move beyond problematic oppositions of ideology and rationality.9 Genocide is not merely a challenge to scientific explanation and political under standing. It is also an applied challenge to the extensively shared and deeply held human values. While the theoretical analysis of genocide is not the same thing as the praxis of genocide prevention or humanitarian intervention, it is evident that the enlightenment that such analysis promises are of possibly great practical and moral significance. 188<\/p><h1>Geopolitics<\/h1><p>Geopolitics is the division of geography that promises to elucidate the relationships between geographical factors and international affairs. The crucial task challenging the discipline is to recognize those geographical settings that most plausibly explain the power, interests, character, and behavior of states. Geopolitical reasoning dates to ancient Greece. Aristotle derived the political systems of the Greek city-states and their neighboring empires and tribes from climatic circumstances.10 Similar concepts were prevalent in France during the Renaissance, when Immanuel Kant related sup posed characteristics of peoples to climatic factors. These traditional philosophy line improved when geopolitics became the principal approach in research on interna tional relations in modern social science. One significant contributor to geopolitics was the German geographer Friedrich Ratzel who theorized on states as growing organisms,11 but the notion of geopolitics has its modern origins between 1880 and 1910, a period of &#8220;big think,&#8221; when scholars and popularizers attempted to draw assumptions from the broad sweep of world history in search of the &#8220;one thing that explained it all.&#8221; One such work of historical\/strategic significance was Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan&#8217;s The Influence of Sea Power on History 1660-1783 (1890). For A. T. Mahan, the crucial to global power domination lies in access to and command of the seas, which later became a key for understanding the naval strategy of maritime power. For E. Huntington, the significant variable was climate, and likewise for J. Fairgrieve, it was mainly the struggle for control over nonhuman energy resources.12 Yet, more than any other scholar, nevertheless, Sir Halford Mackinder projected what would become the most extensively deliberated idea of geopolitical studies. Volgograd na-Donu Photo Credit: Shutterstock 189\u00a0 Mackinder&#8217;s thesis first appeared in 1904 and was later advanced in his 1919 volume. Democratic Ideals and Reality: A Study in the Politics of Reconstruction. He contended that Europe, Asia, and Africa embodied a vast &#8220;World Island&#8221; enclosed by satellites of subsidiary historical and potential power (the Americas, Australia, and, curiously. the Malay Peninsula). Surrounded by that World-Island lay a &#8220;Heartland&#8221; extending from Eastern Europe through most of Siberia categorized by the continental and Arctic drainage of its rivers; the Heartland established the eventual repository of global power because the vast Eurasian interior lay beyond the effective reach of those on the periph ery of the World Island, later designated as &#8220;the Rimland&#8221;.13 He focused on the control of the Heartland which, therefore, was geopolitically significant. But the evolution of international relations later transformed the meaning of geopolitics. Classical geopolitics founded on geographical determinism, which ex amined the relationship between geographic factors and political choices, is now on the wane due to the development of military technology, notably nuclear weapons.4 The domain of geopolitics today hosts a wide array of objects and call for the study in relative detail. The geographical factors encompass the territories, and the spaces in the land, air, sea. Contemporary geopolitics today, aims to comprehend the relations between different players, including non-state players, competing in the specific areal place\/space.15 Bringing together classical and contemporary geopolitics and overlooking the misleading tracks of the discipline and replicating its critique, has led to the construc tion of three pillars for a geopolitical approach to international relations, an approach concentrated on the physical reality that states face. The first pillar of invigorated geopolitics is the contention that geographical conditions must not be seen as an ir reversible fate. Second, geographical circumstances are the fundamental explanations for general patterns and long-term processes. Third, is the view that while geograph ical conditions matter and in what way, it helps in tracing out processes and estab lishing causal mechanisms in terms of geographical conditions, and non-geographical factors must be recognized.16 As a state sandwiched between Asia&#8217;s two competing powers, China and India, the geopolitical position of Nepal has been figuratively explained as a yam between two boulders. Nepal&#8217;s position places Nepal in a unique geostrategic context,17 where India considers Nepal lying in its sphere of influence embodied in Nehru&#8217;s Hima layan doctrine, which considers Nepal as a front-line state against China&#8217;s increasing influence.18 This, however, is a view now formidably challenged by China&#8217;s advance southward through its Belt and Road agenda and US-China rivalry in the Indo-Pa cific region plus the USA&#8217;s eagerness to include Nepal into the Indo-pacific strategy to leverage Nepal away from China&#8217;s sphere.19 Nepal&#8217;s geopolitical role is likely to grow,20 which Nepali foreign policy makers and implementers are me are meticulous about and aims to exercise the policy of &#8220;amity with all and enmity with none,&#8221; to avoid being trapped in a geopolitical chessboard. Most of Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy objectives have concentrated on the ways to evade the probable geopolitical vulnerabilities. 190 191 Photo Credit: Global Goals as promoters of neoliberal values of democratization and market liberalization.24 berates with the notion of the &#8220;new policy agenda&#8221; and sees civil society organizations humanitarian field. From a more neoliberal perspective, the global civil society rever into transnational networks and came into action concerning matters, primarily in the protests in Europe. These were the first sources of activist movements that advanced is recognized historically with the &#8220;new social movements&#8221; following the 1968 student usually characterized by nonviolent norms.23 An activist reading of global civil society role-governed society and give rise to a precise partnership of interdependent equals, ensemble established by unique processes. These processes produce and reproduce a notions. Therefore, it is more than a collection of nongovernmental actors, a vibrant torically discrete from the simple transnational activity since it characterizes society&#8217;s itself and was understood in different ways. According to John Keane, the idea is his In the aftermath of 1989, the notion of global civil society (GCS) transformed of ideology, culture, and political debate.22 but occupying the space outside the market, state and family, contrary to the realm society came to be understood as a realm not just between the state and the family the universal.21 The meaning narrowed down in the twentieth century when civil the belief that through membership in organizations, can reunite the particular and family and the state, where the individual becomes a public person and, adheres to back as Aristotle. Hegel defined civil society as the intermediary realm between the idea of a universal civil society. Civil society is a modern concept but it goes as far The term &#8220;global civil society&#8221; came into use recently and has a tilt towards Kantian<\/p><h1>Global Civil Society<\/h1><p>\u00a0 Global Civil Society is considered both a part of and the force behind the change in international relations. Such changes become more pronounced after the Second World War, producing new forms of sovereignty above the individual states and to processes of liberalization and decolonization, boosting sovereignty from below.25 Global civil society theories portray it as a political ontology that proposes to define and applaud the positive role of the non-state sphere in world politics. From a more neoliberal perspective, global civil society reverberates with the notion of the &#8220;new policy agenda&#8221; and sees civil society organization as promoters of neoliberal values of democratization and market liberalization. Consequently, these theories express faith in the notion and its views to enhance the human condition more than they demonstrate a propensity to scrutinize this notion&#8217;s cogency and strength from a skeptic perspective.26 The notion that global civil society could and should substitute the state system stems from the eighteenth-century conceptualization of civil society as a law-gov erned society, preferably serving as the counterweight to the state of nature. Global civil society is thus the manifestation of a cosmopolitan rule of law, in the absence of quasi-Kantian images of universal society, intended at substituting the anarchical state system through the constitution of a global democracy proposed as a stimulator of perpetual peace. According to this image, global civil society is the apparatus that encourages a global rule of law and shapes the global community of the world citi zenry in reaction to the popular demand for democracy and liberty.27 The spread of ideas and processes of globalization and liberalization, joined with the end of the Cold War, produced an upsurge in the scale of transnational civic ac tivity that corresponded with various normative agendas and early conceptualizations of a GCS. Thus, the idea of GCS proposes an array of epistemological constructs, all challenging in various ways the fundamental question of who could and should govern the world efficiently and impartially and in what manner.<\/p><h1>Global Warming<\/h1><p>The world is experiencing a continuous rise today in the temperature because of glob- al warming. The atmospheric particles, reflective ground surfaces, and the surface of oceans and clouds reflect 30 % of the sunlight that enters the earth&#8217;s atmosphere back into space with the oceans and land absorbing the rest. As the Earth warms up, this solar energy is emitted by thermal radiation and infrared rays, directly out to space, thereby cooling the Earth. Some of the outgoing radiation is re-absorbed by carbon dioxide, ozone, methane, water vapors, and other gases in the atmosphere and is emitted back to the Earth&#8217;s surface. These gases are generally known as greenhouse gases due to their heat-trapping capability. The problem started with the absorption of the greenhouse gases in the atmosphere at an alarming rate in the previous two centuries because of intensive industrial activities.28 192\u00a0 Photo Credit: Deccan Herald The temperature of the global ocean and land surface for March 2020 was on the average 1.16\u2103 (2.09\u00baF) more than the 20th century average of 12.7\u2103 (54.9\u00baF) and the second-highest in the 141-year record. March of 2016 was warmer at 1.31\u2103 (2.36\u00baF).29 The world is thus witnessing a certain effect of global warming, upsurges in extreme weather events, rising sea level, disappearing glaciers and polar ice, dam aged corals, changes in wildlife distributions and health, and enlarged action and profusion of disease vectors. Along with these effects other consequences of global warming are killer heat waves, torrential rains and flooding, drought, forest pests and wildfires, rising sea level, shrinking snowpack, and vanishing glaciers, disintegrating polar ice, and melting permafrost, damage of coral reefs, shifting species ranges and yearly cycles, and outbreak of diseases.30 Although direct association with global warming is difficult to institute for some of these occurrences, the multitude of changes together provide a clear indication of the instant and rising risk that global warming poses to the economy, human health, and the ecosystems upon which humans and other species depend on. Meanwhile, greenhouse gas pollution is a stark reality of the atmosphere, and humankind may have no more than a decade left to stabilize climate to prevent devastating and ir reversible effects. This, however, will require a concentrated effort among all states. One main effect of global warming is climate change which denotes substantial changes in global temperature, wind patterns, precipitation, and other aspects of cli mate. Due to climate change, the seas are rising, foods we eat and take for granted are threatened, ocean acidification is increasing, ecosystems are altering, and for some, that could spell the end of several things essential to human existence and survival.31 While some species are acclimatizing, for others, it is not that easy. Evidence shows many of these extreme climate changes are associated with increasing carbon dioxide levels and other greenhouse gases in the Earth&#8217;s atmosphere, which imply threats to human activities in multiple ways. 193\u00a0 Efforts have been made at various levels to control global warming and, thus, climate change. Nevertheless, global warming and climate change cannot be tackled at the individual level alone but should be made at the international level. Interna tional and multilateral efforts have therefore been made for tackling global warming and climate change. Starting from 1988, at the G7&#8217;s request, the United Nations set up the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), whose purpose is to publish reports that offer a clear up-to-date picture of the present state of scientific knowledge regarding climate change.32 The international community started the fight against climate change in June 1992 in Rio de Janeiro, at the second Earth Summit. After the conference, 166 states signed the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), recogniz ing humanity&#8217;s part in global warming. Each year, a Conference of the Parties (COP) brings together all states that have ratified the Convention, a total of 195. Kyoto Protocol, which dictates the parties to reduce and limit greenhouse gas emissions in accordance with individual agreed targets was accepted on 11 December 1997 at the third Conference parties in Kyoto, Japan.33 The parties to the UNFCCC met in Copenhagen in December 2009 to establish a new agreement to succeed the Kyoto Protocol. Though repeatedly considered a failure, the Copenhagen conference can be credited with officially defining the maximum satisfactory increase in global tempera ture at 2\u00b0\u2103 above pre-industrial levels. Nevertheless, the participants were incapable of range that a binding agreement on greenhouse gas emission reduction targets to keep global warming below this threshold.34 At the UN Climate Change Conference in Cancun, Mexico, the parties decided to found the Green Climate Fund, endowed with $100 billion a year from 2020, to assist developing states combat climate change and deforestation. Two decades after the Earth Summit that brought climate change to the international community&#8217;s at tention, Rio de Janeiro held the fifth UN Conference on Sustainable Development, joined by government leaders and civil society representatives. However, these inter national efforts have been made to reduce global warming effects; they have not been implemented in the way anticipated.35 Among the states most affected by global warming are developing and underde veloped states. Nepal&#8217;s picture is as bleak as or even worse than many other develop ing states around the world. Changing weather and climatic effects in Nepal, melting of snow and glacial retreat, glacial lakes outburst flooding (GLOF), ecological and biophysical impacts, and livelihood crisis affecting the agriculture sector is significant in Nepal due to global warming. Accordingly, the Ministry of Forests and Environ ment (MOFE), Government of Nepal, introduced the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) in September 2015 to advance medium and long-term adaptation strategies.36 In December 2009, a group of cabinet ministers went to the Kalapathar plateau, 5545 meters up in the Himalayas for the cabinet meeting to highlight the effect of climate change on the Himalayas and accepted a 10-point Everest Declaration.37 Nepal tried to draw the industrialized states&#8217; attention to the fact that their actions 194\u00a0 Jed are contributing to global warming that could be the reason for devastating effects in on the Himalayan region that support the life of 1.3 billion people.38 The Government young of Nepal&#8217;s exclusive meeting came after the Maldives cabinet met in October the set same year to emblematically flag the threat of global warming. Alongside ministers, to more than 100 people comprising journalists, environment experts, doctors and se ific curity people were present at the base camp to eye witness the cabinet meeting.39 The 10-point Everest Declaration of the cabinet includes increasing the protected zone I of Nepal&#8217;s land from 20 percent to 25 percent, evolving communities&#8217; capability to Your handle climate change and functioning together with other states to diminish the effect of global warming. The declaration also supported developed states&#8217; strategies P to back 1.5 percent of GDP to a climate fund and bring down greenhouse gases to pre-industrialization levels.40 to In addition to this initiative, in 2019 Nepal made a fresh initiative called &#8220;Sagar ns matha Sambad&#8221; a global dialogue which was supposed to begin in Kathmandu in at March 2020. But, the outbreak and global spread of COVID-19 procrastinated the n dialogue, whose first edition was on the theme of &#8220;Climate Change and Mountain&#8221; 0 with the slogan &#8220;Managing Climate for Living Mountains and Prosperous People&#8221;.41 Although the significant diplomatic initiative taken by Nepal regarding climate change42 had to bear the brunt of the global pandemic, as soon as the world re turn to normalcy with the end of COVID-19 pandemic, Nepal looks forward to 1 hosting the multi-stakeholder dialogue forum dedicated to deliberate on the most conspicuous matters of global, regional, and national implication. In response to the global climate change, this initiative delivers a stage for a multi-stakeholder, cross-sec toral global dialogue in the parts of environment, economy, and other socio-cultural arenas among global leaders comprising heads of state\/government, ministers, leg islators, policy makers, specialists, mass media, business community, broader civil society, youths, and people directly affected by the issues being deliberated.43 Nepal desires to promote Sagarmatha Dialogue as an international forum of intellectual de bates and deliberations for the sharing of experiences, views and perspectives among the high-level participants on the various thematic issues surrounding environment, economy, socio-cultural and livelihood issues.44 From its side, Nepal wishes to add value to the larger global discourse by sharing its unique experience on the issues such as its nationally owned and indigenously led successful peace process, success in fighting climate change and protection of environment.<\/p><h1>Globalization<\/h1><p>&#8216;Globalization&#8217; is a multifaceted term used throughout a comprehensive range of areas of studies. The term &#8216;globalization&#8217; was coined by the economist Levitt in 1983 and gained strong impetus in the 1990s. Since then, the term&#8217;s usage has been largely 195\u00a0 Photo Credit: CGTN News driven by a growing global economy. The name is derived from the term globe, in cluding the entire world on Earth. Different varieties of the term are used to describe globalization, while the most recurrently employed term &#8216;globalization&#8217; defines a con tinuous transnational process of interconnectedness.45 Critics contend about the advent of globalization. Some claim it happened with in the last three decades, whereas others see a connection between globalization and modernity. The sociological approach, which anticipates whether globalization is a result of modernity or not, is severely disputed. Some critics claim that the &#8216;Global Age&#8217; substituted the &#8216;Modern Age&#8217;, while others draw the line between modernity and capitalism.46 Therefore, due to its similar economic settings, globalization is in frequently viewed as the concealed successor to imperialism.47 Globalization is the byproduct of the project of modernity that commenced in Western Europe, and which has been heavily criticized for its Euro-centrism as it attributes the approach of &#8216;Westernization&#8217; towards globalization. This timeframe is the first stimulus of globalization, followed by the second stimulus of the globe incorporating transportation and communication in the nineteenth century and the third and more current supranational economics and transnational cultures.48 With the end of the Cold War and Eastern and Western Germany&#8217;s reunification in 1990, physical and symbolic barriers were realized reinforcing the spirit of globalization and borderless world. The three forces of globalization, specifically augmented connectivity, improved technologies, and perceived convergence, lead to three innovations. These com prise the growing global interdependence, a growing number of multi-directional migrations worldwide, and the slow erosion of (national) politics. The forces and innovations activate international or even global exchange about economic, cultur al, and media background. Usually, five types of transnational flows are recognized in a global framework: financescapes, ethnoscapes, technoscapes, mediascapes, and ideoscapes.49 Globalization&#8217;s effects become dynamic forces themselves, enriching a circular process of forces and effects. 196\u00a0 Still, globalization is not a phenomenon that generates opportunity and equality for all. Apart from the three forces and the three innovations of globalization, there are many disagreements intrinsic to the topic of globalization. Some critics speak of a &#8216;homogenization&#8217;, while some contend for a &#8216;differentiation&#8217; of cultures. Glo balization can be distinguished in two forms predominant in literature, uniformity concerning consumerism (or homogenization) or differentiation as cultural fragmen tation. Within the notion of &#8216;homogenization&#8217;, there are two global uniformity ap proaches: Westernization and standardization. The two approaches go hand in hand, equally featuring the assumption that globalization is a type of modernization.50 Globalization, a multifaceted occurrence, has a history from the first collabo ration between the people; it endures till now and will endure in the future. As the development of integration, globalization affects every facet of human life, ranging from economic, cultural, and political to social. Being part of society, humans expe rience globalization, its remarkable effects on the lives and society, and its power to change social and cultural structures and blessings. Globalization has passed through many points throughout its history. There are ups and downs in the globalization process. Globalization is a process that keeps on cumulating; it may decrease for a while, but it never ends, and it cannot be stopped.51 Since human beings cannot live in isolation, they interrelate, support one another, and share knowledge and experiences. Nepal has been experiencing the waves of globalization in different fields. Most spectacular impact has been felt on its economy, society, and access to information. The World is Flat, a book written by Thomas Friedman, has claimed that with global ization the world has become more homogenous. With globalization, trade liberal ization has increased the trade deficit to unsustainable levels. Although liberalization was expected to evolve the private sector and modernize Nepal&#8217;s economy, its eco nomic growth has remained stagnant, and local and medium industries are nearly uprooted. Globalization in Nepal, however, does not mean liberalization in totality.52 For a landlocked country such as Nepal, exchanging goods, people, knowledge, and ideas are opportunities that globalization has brought into Nepal. This could profit Nepal in terms of prosperity, freedom, plurality, and opportunities.53 Although the transition due to globalization has introduced a free trade regime that can upset the traditionally-molded business and trade practices of Nepal, it also opens possibilities of gaining huge benefits that could bring economic prosperity to the country.54 Still, while preparing for entry into the free trade agreement, it would be wise to take immediate economic integration steps as Nepal should also be looking forward to making proper strategies to deal with future challenges.55 Amidst the upsurge of MNCs, excess to world financial market, spread of po litical scope of interests to the regions and states outside the neighborhood of polit ical (state and non-state) actors, Nepal attracts both positive and negative impacts.56 Though Nepal draws some of the positive effects such as capital, investment, new technologies, and skills, the contrary effects comprise high brain drain, cultural im 197\u00a0 pacts, environmental and ecological effects, and income inequality consequence. The globalization in Nepal has also intensified effects of privatization and liberalization. It has led to the plummeting of the financial and administrative load of government, enlightening operational efficiency and connecting the participation of the gener al public and the private sector in public enterprises&#8217; management.57 But, before a great divide is imposed by the negative impacts of globalization, Nepal must make efforts to minimalize the negative influences of globalization, upgrade its ability to cope with the changing regional and international environment. Although efforts to broaden individual attitudes not only inspire tough competition building consumer satisfaction, they also inspire access to global markets, rise in investment, and develop the quality of products.<\/p><h1>Great Powers<\/h1><p>Countries which have the capacity to fight major wars and end them with treaties and maintain their global clout by constituting and leading alliances and institutions to fulfill their strategic objectives. A great power is the principal actor major dip lomatic meetings of economic, political, and strategic significance. The concept of &#8216;great powers&#8217; also represents the powers assembled to draw up peace treaties after the termination of significant conflicts. The first occasion on which this occurred in Eu ropean diplomacy was at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-15 when Prussia, Britain, Austria, Russia, and France were recognized as new great powers.58 During the First World War, the great powers of that time confronted each other in the war. Earlier, the United States, after solving its internal conflicts in the civil war in 1865, rose to become a challenging industrial power. Japan, after the Meiji revolution of 1867 and after defeating Russia in the 1904-1905 war, emerged as a rising power in the Far East. The Austro-Hungarian empire disintegrated in 1918 and could no longer uphold its role. After the First World War, the USA&#8217;s place as a great power was established, but it had already displayed formidable strength in Photo Credit: Shutterstock 198\u00a0 1914. Italy and Japan&#8217;s positions remained somewhat uncertain for a while, but by the 1930s, they secured their positions as great powers. The strength of Germany and Russia declined after 1918, but they too could be seen as rising powers after 1939.59 By 1945 the ranks of the great powers had been steadily depleted. The three powers that mattered were the so called &#8216;Big Three&#8217;- the United States, Russia, and Britain.60 The idea of Great Power system existed long before the Great Powers were es tablished at the Congress of Vienna and before the International Law was officially codified at the Peace of Westphalia. In international politics, the idea of great power implies a robust state controlling economic and military resources, with the power to shape other states&#8217; preferences and activities, holding ideological clout (in Gramscian terms), embodying the power of a certain spatial pre-eminence with an acknowl edged status.61 In identifying the features of great powers, realism helps to crystalize the main contours. Thucydides, the chronicler of the ancient Peloponnesian Wars, wrote, &#8220;The strong do what they have the power to do, the weak accept what they have to accept&#8221;. Niccolo Machiavelli&#8217;s The Prince, Thomas Hobbes&#8217; Leviathan, and E. H. Carr&#8217;s The Twenty Years&#8217; Crisis as realist literature focus on power as a determining factor in great power politics. John Mearsheimer contends that Great Powers always seek to maximize their share of world power, and all Great Powers pursue hegemony in the international system.62 In contemporary international system, the United States remains the most pow erful state on Earth whose dynamic economy, overwhelming military superiority, large population, and technological development all safeguard its status in interna tional power politics.63 However, in the recent past, China is emerging as the world&#8217;s second most significant power and a sole competitor to USA.64 Besides USA and China, the top five major powers are Russia, Germany, the United Kingdom, France and Japan, each a state with a high-tech capability, strong economy, and military ca pability.65 Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy is driven by the spirit of non-alignment in evading its probable entrapment in the great power competition. With the increasing Sino-U.S competition, the policy of non-alignment has once again drawn contemporary rele vance for Nepal. Historically, Nepal has avoided the great power competition either with its claim to neutrality or through its non-aligned posture.<\/p><h1>Great Power Competition<\/h1><p>Great Power Competition in International Relations (IR) is not a novel term. Dif- ferent corners of the world have variously caused and witnessed great power com petitions.66 In the 19th Century, Afghanistan was the central geographical point of the great power competition between the Russian and British Empires leading into different wars and conflicts.67 Similarly, Central and South Asia have been central to 199\u00a0 the competition between the great powers for influences, resources, and interests.68 However, this arcane term became familiar to many with the end of the Second World War, the rise of the America-led international world order, and later during the Cold War competition between the USA and USSR.69 After the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, the world was characterized by a unipolarity with the United States as the sole superpower.70 However, there was a sign of decline in the unipolar world order in 2006-2008, and by 2014 the world was characterized by the renewal of great power competition with the rise of China and Russia, which posed challenges to the US-led international world order.71 Such an ac knowledgement of the renewed great power competition was observed in USA&#8217;s Na tional Military Strategy under Obama Administration in 2015, the National Security Strategy by the Trump Administration in 2017, and finally, the Interim National Security Strategy by the Biden Administration in 2021, which rightly points out that, &#8220;we face a world of intensifying nationalism, declining democracy, increasing rivalry with China, Russia, and other authoritarian states, and a technological revolution that is restructuring every facet of our lives.&#8221; 72 This report recognizes the rise of the great powers and regional adversaries. The distribution of power across the world is changing, generating new threats to the single power dominance. With the advent of the traditional Silk Road via Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China is increasing its forays into the different parts of the world.73 China has been able to combine its economic, diplomatic, military, technolog ical power to challenge the US dominance.74 Similarly, China and Russia also remain important and influential actors in the international realm. This renewal of great power competition in the world, today, is understood as strategic competition.75 With the re newal of great power competition in the world, powerful states including USA, China, and Russia are contending to shape the security structures and the norms and practic es worldwide, including trade and investment regimes and development regulations.76 The great power competition has now expanded to Eurasia, Africa, or the Indo-Pacific region, and the Arctic region, outer space, and cyberspace.77 These events or the great power competition has framed the perception of the international affairs held by many. Nevertheless, the great power competition does not illustrate the whole objective status of the international order.78 The traditional notion of great power competition only depicts bilateral interactions, but other me dium or small or regional powers are truly systemic competitors.79 For example, the European Union, Japan, India, and other countries represent those players that might fit into the great power competition. Thus, the great power competition is the means to struggle over security and prosperity with other states.80 Nevertheless, it also explains the nature of interactions among the state towards specific ends. The great power competition is whole about cooperation and conflict. Third, great power competition does not conclude with a strategic end. The great pow er competition should not be judged as an end in and of itself and not a means.81 200\u00a0 Great power competition invites many severe challenges and impacts the small states in the various regions.82 Notably, in South Asia and the Indian Ocean, unlike in the Cold War, the region is engulfed by Indo-Sino rivalry and characterized by US-China rivalries in the Indian and Pacific Oceans with conflicts.83 With China in creasing its forays into every South Asian state through the BRI projects, the US-Chi na and China-India competition in the region has induced both opportunities and challenges for the small states.84 In the small states, the great powers are determined to further their interests. The great power competition in the region has the geo political landscape for the small states by which they have been impacted severely. The competition of the great powers has induced multiple threat to the small state&#8217;s survival and sustenance.85 For Nepal, as being located between India and China, both the countries, includ ing extra-regional actors like the USA, have increased their interest in the country. The rivalries between the great powers in the South Asian region have established a greater geopolitical significance for Nepal.86 Nepal being a signatory state of BRI, many infrastructural development projects have been considered for the country; China has surpassed India as the largest investor in the nation with increasing eco nomic and cultural clout.87 The deterioration of Nepal&#8217;s relation with India after the unofficial economic blockade in 2015 and border disputes in 2020 has taken Nepal closer towards China. Similarly, attempts made by Trump administration to drag Nepal into the Indo-Pacific Strategy and offering USD 500 million for infrastruc tural development, which is in a huge debate in Nepal about its acceptance shows, Nepal is the central point of the great power competition. It may pose threats and risks to Nepal&#8217;s political independence. Also, it has posed a difficult situation for Nepal to accommodate the interest of the great or major powers. Because of the diplomatic dilemma that Nepal has faced owing to the geopolitical or geo-economic competition between the major powers, foreign policy and security experts have been cautioning Nepal about the threat to the country&#8217;s sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity.88 Nepal, too, has been dealing with different types of great power competitions and its implications. Historically, Nepal balanced the interest of British empire and Chinese empire in the Himalayas. Today, Nepal is balancing the interest of China and the QUAD countries including the United States and India through its foreign policy of &#8220;amity with all and enmity with none&#8221;. Historically, Nepal has adopted non-aligned policies and postures to escape the great power competition.<\/p><h1>Great Power Cooperation<\/h1><p>In a world characterized by great power competition, the question arises whether the great powers can cooperate. Although the changing dynamics of global power structure may be cited for the continuing great power competition, at the same time, 201\u00a0 a new model of international cooperation also cannot be denied. The existing great powers are not trying to exclude, isolate or keep down the possibility of cooperation between great powers or major powers. 89 The US-China rivalry has been on the sur face of their bilateral relationship, but the economic ties have expanded substantial ly with the significant increase in trade as China has become USA&#8217;s second-largest trading partner after the European Union.90 In the same manner, the world can also observe the support of the great powers for the emerging great powers to acquire the membership of the major international organizations. For example, China and Russia supported the entry of India and Pakistan into the Shanghai Cooperation Or ganization (SCO).91 The focus on the internal development of the great powers has supplemented the great power cooperation. Amid geostrategic rivalry between the great powers, they are increasingly interconnected and interdependent economically, financially, and in other aspects.92 The interdependence of the great powers has led to great power cooperation despite of the inevitability of great power competition usual ly caused by security dilemma.93 The integration of the economy of the great powers into the global economy and financial system is also one of the reasons for coopera tion.94 The gradual convergence of the interests between the great powers in various areas has led to great power cooperation.95 There has been issued-based cooperation between the great powers in the present international world order; among them, the issues of maritime access, freedom of navigation, peaceful passage and cyber threat are pertinent.96 One of the critical issues where the world can observe great power cooperation is climate change. Climate change being a global risk to all the great powers and small powers, the countries have been taking collective initiatives in mitigating the effects of climate change.97 However, the great powers have strategic competition on other aspects, realizing the significant need for international cooperation to decrease the impact of climate change.98 There are many international agreements and in struments through which the great powers have cooperated with a mutual commit ment to mitigate the adverse effects of climate change. The Paris Climate Agreement, United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), Kyoto Protocol and others have been the instruments where the great powers have coop erated in terms of climate change.99 In November 2021, the US and China agreed to cooperate on the issues of climate change at the COP26 in Glasgow. They have jointly committed to &#8220;recall their firm commitment to work together&#8221; to achieve the 1.5-degree Celsius temperature goal set out in the 2015 Paris Agreement. 100 Similarly, in 2015, India and China signed a joint statement on climate change recognizing its adverse effects.101 Furthermore, another area of great power cooperation is counterterrorism. Ter rorism has been a problem faced by the great powers against a peaceful security en vironment. Their aim to strengthen the domain of international security and peace have been threatened by terrorism and terrorist organizations. The transnational 202\u00a0 ation. terrorist organizations have been a global problem. Like climate change, the great powers and other countries have jointly agreed upon the steps of counterterrorism through various instruments and mechanisms. There is also a similar realization that only international cooperation can help to combat terrorism effectively. The US-Chi na cooperation on terrorism initiated after the 9\/11 attacks, although they have been limited. 102 Recently, a joint statement was released on the US-India Counter-Terror a and ism Joint Working Group and Designations Dialogue reaffirming counterterrorism cooperation as an essential pillar under the U.S .- India Comprehensive Global Stra rs ha tegic Partnership.103 Also, SCO, where China, Russia, India, Pakistan, and others are in the the members, aim to coordinate the efforts to security, broaden dialogue and rein ically force collaboration in ensuring comprehensive security by countering terrorism, cy led to ber terrorism, separatism, extremism, transnational organized crime, and illicit drug usual trafficking, as well as reinforcing international information security and emergency ower response.104 In this way, the great powers have been cooperating with each other to opera combat the impacts of terrorism. In 2020, the world was hit by the COVID-19 pandemic affecting the world arious economies, human activities and many facets of international politics and relations. ration The pandemic called for the wake of multilateralism and cooperation among the n, the countries.105 The health challenges, financial obstacles, information challenges, and threat economic impacts led the great powers to cooperate on this matter.106 At first, in the absence of sufficient cooperation, the international community failed adequately to ration provide many of the essential items associated with controlling this infectious disease. rs and However, there were cooperation in different parts of the world, rendering the re ng the quired support to the countries severely impacted by the pandemic. Many countries QTY OD like China enacted health, vaccine, and mask diplomacy to help the countries in the ecrease world against this pandemic. China and Russia seem to have employed their national nd m vaccines to foster humanitarian ties, initiate new cooperation on biological security with strategic countries, and increase their prestige globally.107 As the world is characterized by both conflict and cooperation, the great pow ment ers may compete for strategic, economic, or political leverage but cooperate in is sues-based areas such as climate change, counterterrorism, and recently in the coop COVID-19 pandemic.<\/p><h1>Group of Seven (G7)<\/h1><p>Take the Izing its The Group of Seven or the G-7 is the association of the world&#8217;s most powerful econ omies. The idea was born in 1975 following the consultation between the Group of Six countries (France, the USA, Italy, Germany, the UK, and Japan) to confront the economic crises of the mid-1970s, particularly the oil shock and the reform of the world monetary system after the end of the Bretton Woods system and the aban national 203\u00a0 donment of the dollar-to-gold sys tem. The first meeting was held at the French government&#8217;s initiative in Rambouillet on the outskirts of Paris. The membership was later expanded by Canada&#8217;s accession in 1977 and Russia108 to become Group of Eight( G8). But, after the suspension of Russia over the annexation of Crimea in 2014, it Photo Credit: Investopedia has been named as Group of Seven. The G7 is not an international organization but a framework for informal meet ings at the highest level. The ministers of economy and finance continue to meet in the formation of the seven countries (G7), maintaining their specific competence in the economic and financial issues.109 The members rotate to chair the group each year, in a specific order starting with France, the United States, then the United Kingdom, Germany, Japan, and Italy.110 European Union participates in the group&#8217;s meetings and is represented by the pres ident of the European Commission. There is no fixed structure for the group. The host country is responsible for preparing the conference through ministerial meetings and senior officials and experts&#8217; meetings is responsible for coordination and commu nication with international organizations and organizations.111 The group does not take measures of a mandatory nature since it has no legal personality, nor does it have a general secretariat, and focuses on the protection of its economic and political interests at the expense of the interests of countries in the path of growth and people under poverty and the absence of democracy. The G-7 member states&#8217; ambitions do not stop at this point, as they seek to increase their companies&#8217; interests by pursuing market liberalization policies world wide. They are no longer realistically linked to trade at all but have targeted environ mental, labor, and social standards that are &#8220;barriers&#8221; to transnational corporations&#8217; operations. This may destabilize the necessary social security measures as millions of people fall below the poverty line due to the austerity programs adopted by the G-7 countries themselves.112 204\u00a0<\/p><h1>Hegemonic Stability<\/h1><p>The theory of hegemonic stability assumes that in the absence of strong hegemonic power, international stability is impossible,1 because only hegemonic power can cre ate international rules that enable orderly exchanges amongst countries and discipline transgressors with predictable penalties.2 A hegemonic power, accordingly, has the inducement to deliver the &#8216;public good&#8217; and ensures order, and security. The two decades from 1919 to 1939 remained unsta ble in the absence of a hegemonic power. In 1918, Germany failed to replace Great Britain which was left weak politically and economically after 1918, when the First World War ended and the USA was not strong enough before 1939.3 A state becomes hegemonic state when it has a stable combination of the politi cal, military, economic, and ideological factors.4 One influential scholar of this theory is Robert O. Keohane who emphasizes aspects connected to economy and trade as the source of power. Suzan Strange proposes four fundamentals of structural power to make a state hegemonic when it has the capability to: 1. intimidate or protect other countries&#8217; physical security by resorting to arms (se curity element); 2. control the global system of manufacture of goods and services (production ele went); 3. form the international capital market of finance and credit (financial element); 4. direct the development, accumulation, and handover of knowledge (knowledge element).5 Taken in these terms, international stability after 1945 was strongly influenced by the USA and due to America&#8217;s hegemonic roles. In upholding international stability, the United States adopted a stable policy which helped in the development of the foundation for European Cooperation (creation of the European Union); and the creation of ASEAN in 1967 and in building up close relation with the states in South East Asia.6 But, the other side of the hegemonic stability theory remains to be probed 209\u00a0 while assessing the consequences it has spurned in various part of the world; for in stance in Latin America, Middle East, and South East Asia.7<\/p><h1>Hegemony<\/h1><p>The word hegemony is derived from an ancient Greek word &#8216;hegemonic&#8217; which implies one element&#8217;s central and dominating position over others in a system. Historically, the word hegemon indicated &#8220;leadership&#8221; or &#8220;sovereign ruler.&#8221; 8 Until the 1970s, the word was hardly used in the predominant schools of Western social science and in ternational relations. The term, today, however, includes the military, economic, and political dominance of one nation-state over another, and has evolved as a concept of crucial significance in international relations. Studying the behavior of a hegemon helps us to understand how domination is generated, preserved, and confronted. In the contemporary debate, hegemony is principally defined in realist terms as a lead ing state&#8217;s influence over the others. The idea of hegemony has evolved through the work of the Italian Marxist Anto nio Gramsci, according to whom hegemony is generated when the Weltanschauung, or worldview of the ruling class, becomes society&#8217;s cultural norm. It is attained when the leadership class bestows its understandings of society for the whole society, halting other means of changes. Hegemony arises as &#8220;common sense,&#8221; &#8220;inherited from the past and is uncritically absorbed&#8221; and reproduces itself in &#8220;moral and political passivity&#8221;.9 Gramsci&#8217;s (1992) distinguishes between coercion and consent as alternative so cial power mechanisms. According to him, coercion denotes the state&#8217;s capacity for violence, which it can use against those who refuse to contribute to the capitalist relations.10 The Gramscian approach to hegemony departs from the Marxist concept of ideology while retaining Marxist frame of class, capitalist mode of production, and the distinction between the economic base and the cultural superstructure.11 According to the neoliberal approach, although a hegemon is an essential con dition for building up a hegemony (a specific international order), hegemony itself can outlast the hegemon. In this manner, neoliberalism endeavored to shift the fo cus of analysis from the subject of hegemony (the hegemon) to the conditions and mechanisms that sustain the hegemonic order.12 A different approach to hegemony, a radical one, is adopted by scholars who are stimulated by post-structuralism. They conceptualize hegemony, (or to use their terms, empire), as a new international order that &#8216;becomes an integral, vital function that every individual embraces and reacti vates of his or her own accord&#8217;.13 Furthermore, the notion of hegemony is pertinent to studying international re lations because it elucidates global power&#8217;s construction and dynamic characteristics. A critical theory of hegemony becomes particularly relevant for understanding the changing power structure in a globalized world. A theory of hegemony centers on the development of power and resistance and is essential to understanding the contem 210\u00a0 porary global relations. 14 The concept of &#8220;hegemony&#8221;, examined rhetorically, is thus, used as a political tool to portray individual or state as domination and coercion. In this sense, the Nepali elite and political parties frequently resort to a narrative regarding India as a hegemon in the region, bred a specific variant of nationalism of populist vein in its turn as a source of vote-banking, particularly when a crisis arises as during border disputes or during blockades fueling up an intense need for security among the populace.<\/p><h1>Human Rights<\/h1><p>As the established sets of norms governing the treatment of individuals and groups by states and non-state actors on the foundation of ethical principles concerning what society deliberates as central to a decent life, human rights outline relation ships between individuals and power structures, particularly the state. Human rights delineate state power and, at the same time, necessitate states to adopt process in safeguarding an environment that enables all people to enjoy their human rights. As such, human rights are the accumulation of individual and collective rights laid down in state constitutions and international law.15 Various debates on the roots, choice, and implications of human rights in polit ical science, moral philosophy, and jurisprudence are evident. In the light of moral cognition, the expression &#8220;human rights&#8221; is frequently left undistinguished from the more general notion of &#8220;rights,&#8221; though in law, a &#8220;right&#8221; denotes the privilege pro tected by law, the moral validity or legitimacy of which may be distinct from its legal status as an entitlement.16 Legal positivists look at human rights as ensuing from a formal norm-creating process, by which we mean an authoritative construction of the rules through which a society (national or international) is governed. Natural rights, however, originate from natural order or divine origin and are in alienable and immutable. Absolute rights based on positive law are accepted through a political and legal process resulting in a declaration, law, treaty, or another norma tive instrument. Before they are inscribed in legal texts, human rights advance from the claims of people&#8217;s sufferings and injus tice and are therefore based on moral sen timent, culturally determined by contextu \u00b7 alized moral and religious belief systems.17 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) is the most widely accept Human Rights ed definition of human rights, comprising civil, political, economic, social and, cul Photo Credit: Human Rights 211\u00a0 tural rights. It shares the principles of universality and indivisibility and has evolved into an array of international human rights instruments, most of which have been acknowledged by many states. These instruments outline specific values for women, children, migrant workers, disabled persons, and other vulnerable groups and collec tive rights for minorities and indigenous groups. The human rights background is intended to be politically, legally, and morally binding for governments&#8217; principles. A difference, however, must be made here between the legally binding treaties, cov enants, statutes, protocols and conventions, and political statements such as declara tions and principles. 18 The human rights legal regime comprises core human rights treaties or instru ments including: International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Conven tion on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of their Families (ICMW), Convention on the Rights of Persons with Dis abilities (CRPD), International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (CED).19 International human rights are ensured by certain international structures and organizations established to promote and protect human rights, such as the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, treaty-based human rights committees, and the ILO system for implementing labor rights. Some regional organizations have also established their human rights systems, although these systems vary significant ly.20 Previously, when human rights were considered a state&#8217;s internal affair, other states and the international community were prohibited from interfering, even in cases of most severe violations of human rights, such as genocide. Based on national sovereignty, that approach was confronted in the twentieth century, mainly due to the activities of Nazi Germany and atrocities committed during the Second World War and afterward by the international community&#8217;s failure to avert mass atrocities in Cambodia, Rwanda, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Currently, the concept of sov ereignty barring foreign interference has mainly been substituted by one of Responsi bility to Protect(R2P), making states accountable for their people&#8217;s welfare.21 In its political and civilizational history, Nepal has always expressed its com mitment to the protection and promotion of human rights. Nepal articulated its commitment toward human rights after the promulgation of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990. After the promulgation of the 1990 constitution, Nepal became a state party to the international human rights laws and endorsed new laws or amended the existing laws to support the international norms. The Constitution of Nepal (2015) holds the legal and structural basis for human rights and guarantee 212\u00a0 fundamental rights. The fundamental rights quoted in the Constitution from Article 16 to 46 comprise economic, social, cultural, and political and civil rights, consistent with the human rights provisions of the UN Human Rights Conventions. There are also provisions for the protection and promotion of human rights in various Nepali Acts.22 As a state-party, Nepal has ratified or acceded to many international human rights instruments, and has decided to respond to the international provisions either by ratifying new laws or by amending the existing domestic laws. Most of the provi sions of such instruments resemble the provisions of domestic laws, but in some cas es, it is essential to enact new legal frameworks or revise the current laws after being a party.23 Nepal has thus become a party to almost all the primary international human rights instruments. It was the first country in the South Asian Region to accede to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights, aiming at Abolition of the Death Penalty. As a State Party, it has, thus shown a total commitment in its international obligations to protect and promote human rights.24<\/p><h1>Human Security<\/h1><p>The concept of human security has been widely discussed and debated, because of which, the whole range of definition exists and numerous approaches, too, are avail able. Since the beginning of 1990s, debates on security and its multidimensionality have encompassed the approach of &#8216;human security&#8217; compared to the conventional 20th-century Cold War view on &#8216;security&#8217; emphasizing on national security or state security. The 1994 UNDP Human Development Report (HDR) was a crucial stage in the development of the idea of human security.25 The General Assembly resolution 66\/290 of 10 September 2012 was a momentous landmark in this regard. In the third paragraph of that resolu tion, the UNGA decided through an Economic agreement to regard human security He was fasting as an approach to support member states in recognizing and speaking on widespread and cross-cutting en Human Security counters to livelihood, survival, and Community Food dignity of their people. Grounded thus, the UNGA recommended Person human security approach within the framework of the United Na tions structure.26 The new approach Photo Credit: Semantic Scholar 213\u00a0 adopts a broader framework on human security to counter economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community, and political insecurities with five fundamen tal principles which differentiate it from other human-centric approaches which are people-centered,27 comprehensive, context-specific, prevention-oriented, and protec tion and empowerment.28 The three pillars of Human Security are: Freedom from Fear: Getting freedom from conflict, war, disasters (natural and hu man-induced) Freedom from Want: Getting freedom from hunger, poverty, illiteracy, among others Freedom for Indignity: Getting freedom from all forms of human rights violation Emma Rothschild highlights the need for international measures to avert civil con flicts and argues on behalf of reinforcing international instruments for better promo tion of human security.29 Gary King and Christopher Murray define human security as a preventive measure to escape the state of generalized poverty.30 Caroline Thomas sees human security as a condition, where simple material needs are met and human dignity &#8212; comprising of meaningful participation in the community-is achieved. While material fulfillment, thus, lies at the core of human security, the idea also in cludes non-material aspects to form a qualitative whole.31 Amartya Sen presents an extensive idea of human security by linking economic, and developmental facets to political and social aspects. His examination presents human insecurity as a product of a high social cost incurred through unequal income distribution and highlights the need for reversing it through securitization and the old slogan of growth with equity.32 The intensified normative focus on individuals&#8217; lives has thus given human security thinking a radical thrust with considerable im pacts on the interaction of economic, cultural, political, social, military, and other systems that have usually been treated separately in research and policy.33 Human security plays a number of roles: it offers a shared language to different investigation on human conditions; it also guides the policy that keeps human at the center; thirdly, it assures that outcomes of the investigations are explained in the forms of the human rights dimensions; fourthly, it focuses attention on human rights policy design,; and fifth, it encourages action in positive directions, through the types of people-centric value which it highlights and the variety of experiences to which it can lead us to attend.34 In the Nepali context, the major issues attached with human security are poverty, social divisions, climate change, illiteracy, environment, food, health, migration, and politics.35 Poverty in Nepal is one of the key challenges to the promotion and protec tion of human security. Although efforts have been made to eliminate poverty, more needs to be done at the multiple fronts as the idea of poverty itself is multidimen sional. Social protection and government-sponsored financial and emotional support for the needy citizens are essential to safeguard human security.36 There has been sig 214\u00a0 nificant and admirable progress in addressing health indicators; yet, health insecurity remains a major problem, chiefly for the people in dire circumstances. Nepal also faces the challenge of food security.37 Barren lands owing to the labor migration and Nepal&#8217;s extreme dependence on India for daily food products indicate at the same. Climate change and environmental security pose two other problems. Climate vari ability affects human security in many ways; for instance, unstable weather patterns can substantially disrupt food and energy production and the physical and water security of whole population. Environmental security is also related to food, water, energy, and health security and is intensely affected by the context. Nepal has under gone through a series of political transformation. In the context of political change and its consequences, political security, today, in the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, remains a core pillar to successfully materialize human security by yielding a state of freedom from fear, freedom from want and freedom from indignity.<\/p><h1>Humanitarian Intervention<\/h1><p>Traditionally, humanitarian intervention implies issuance of threat or use of force by a state or group of states to compel a sovereign in respecting fundamental human rights while exercising its sovereign powers. But, the idea of humanitarian interven tion has now been expanded to cover interventions designed to ensure humanitarian assistance to populations in dire need. The theory of humanitarian intervention is based on the presumption that states are obliged to guarantee their citizens with certain fundamental rights for their existence. States cannot ignore violations of such fundamental rights. Such interventions protect the lives of people who are on the verge of civil wars, insurgencies, state repression, and state collapse through human itarian intervention.38 Photo Credit: United Nation 215\u00a0 The core objective of humanitarian intervention is to safeguard people&#8217;s human rights in the target state. If force is used to help the citizens of the target state who may be deprived of food and shelter in crisis, such interventions are termed human itarian interventions despite the government&#8217;s unwillingness. The United Nations Charter acutely reduced the legality of unilateral military actions, including humani tarian interventions. Chapter I Article 2 (4) says &#8220;the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner is inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.&#8221; In contrast, Article 2(7) of the UN Charter outlines the principle of non-intervention in the affairs of any sovereign state&#8221;. Nevertheless, Chapter VII of the Charter allows the Security Council to allow the use of force if there is a threat or breach of international peace or the need for self-defense.39 To address the concern of humanitarian intervention, the former UN Secretary General Kofi Anan asked the Security Council scrutinize coercive intervention based on the following criteria: 1. Violation of humanitarian law and human rights; 2. Ignoring the measures for maintenance of peace; 3. Capacity of local authorities to maintain order or their participation in violence; 4. Limited and proportional use of military force, which minimally affects the local population.40 The prerequisite to humanitarian intervention is thus a massive gross violation of human rights and exhaustion of all possible means of the settlement of a dispute within the international legal framework.41 Humanitarian interventions has two di mensions: peace and fundamental humanitarian imperatives. If, on the one hand, there is the risk of opening the door to unilateral use of force by a state, on the other, it makes it possible for the law to command states to abstain from actions when most of the extensive crimes are perpetrated.42 Humanitarian intervention in its cause was supported by a new liberal philoso phy, the Responsibility to Protect.43 This was a significant development that later insti tutionalized and legalized the moral-philosophical concept of humanitarian interven tion. In 2001 an International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) directed by the Kofi Annan, the Canadian government, and Australian for eign minister Gareth Evans prepared the official report on Responsibility to Protect.+4 One of the most prominent features in humanitarian intervention as a western liberal instrument of global governance is its explanation of moral virtue and the belief that Western societies&#8217; liberal values are universal. Understandably, liberal beliefs came with the perception that societies outside the liberal sphere must be forced, even if it means militarily, to support these universal values for their benefit.45 Accordingly, the first problem related to the concept is that it has been trans formed into a liberal global governance technique used by dominant states to pursue 216\u00a0 geopolitical and strategic national interests. The main challenge that has produced the concept to lose its efficacy in contemporary times can be explained by the fact that states use the ethical determination as the sole explanation to follow humani tarian objectives but, in practice, are driven by other motives that incline them to delegitimize their actions.46 The notion thus often becomes a political gesture than a moral and legal policy, a political instrument based on moral assertion. Geopolitical and strategic national interest have thereby produced problems of discrimination and double standards.47<\/p><h1>Huntington&#8217;s Clash of Civilizations<\/h1><p>In the summer of 1993, Foreign Affairs published an article, &#8220;The Clash of Civilization&#8221; by American SAMUEL P. HUNTINGTON + political scientist Samuel P. Huntington and posed THE a question whether the conflicts between different CLASH OF civilizations in the world would dominate the future CIVILIZATIONS course of world politics.48 As the article stimulated more debates and discussions raised by his argument * that the conflict between different civilizations will AND THE REMAKING OF engross the global politics, Huntington elaborated WORLD ORDER his ideas further in his book The Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of World Order. Huntington&#8217;s the &#8220;ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT BOOKS sis stands as the stark contrast to Francis Fukuyama&#8217;s TO HAVE EMERCED SINCE THE END OF THE COLD WAR claim in The End of History and the Last Man. For HENRY KISSINGER Fukuyama, the end of Cold War ended all kinds of conflicts and bipolarity making United States the last Photo Credit: The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order by man to survive or capitalism as the last resort, paving Samuel P. Huntington (Book Cover) the way for unipolarity.49 Nevertheless, for Hunting ton, the conflicts will sustain in civilizational forms. The future of world politics is thus interpreted and predicted variously. Remark ably, there are two schools of thoughts: the Optimist and the Pessimist. The optimis tic school of thought relies on the unavoidability of reciprocity and interdependence to predict future events while the pessimist school relies on the likelihood of conflict and wars to prophesize the future course of actions. Huntington&#8217;s &#8216;clash of civiliza tion&#8217; thesis stands on the side of the pessimistic camp.50 Huntington writes: &#8220;People define themselves in terms of ancestry, religion, language, history, values, customs, and institutions. They identify with cultural groups; tribes, ethnic groups, religious communities, nations and at the broadest level, civilizations. People use politics not just to advance their interest but also to define their identity. We know who we are only when we know who we are not and often only when we know whom we are against&#8221;,51 217\u00a0 Huntington divides the world into different categories of civilizations: Western, Islamic, Latin American, Sinic, African, Christian Orthodox, Buddhist, Hindu, and Japanese. According to him, some of these civilizations bear a core state, possessing nuclear weapons.52 For instance, Sinic civilization has China at its core, while the Western civilization has the United States and the core state of orthodox Christianity is Russia. Huntington claims that most of the future conflicts may emerge along the fault lines between the civilizations: Hindu versus Muslim, Christianity versus Islam, Sinic versus Japanese, among others.53 Defining civilization as the extensive grouping of people with common objective elements including language, history, religion, customs, and institutions, Hunting ton is concerned about the challenge that Islam as a civilization poses to the West,54 not only because of its higher birthrate but also because of its resurgence after the 9\/11 attacks. Huntington also provides guidelines to abort the possibility of conflicts by suggesting the core states to refrain from intervening in other civilizations&#8217; internal political affairs and instead mediate the disputes.55 As Huntington&#8217;s thesis stands against the spirit of multiculturalism, his argument has drawn flaks at different fronts.56 His reductionist approach has reduced the mo saic of cultures existing in different parts of the world into only nine civilizations, which has drawn severe criticism. Because, any civilization is enriched by its sub-cul tures. For instance, European culture is not the same as North America but Hunting ton puts them together as western civilization. Huntington&#8217;s ideas are also criticized for showing an unclear relationship between the states and the civilization.57 If civili zation is the independent variable, why did it give way to the power relationships be tween states, particularly during the Cold War, and why could military strength and the balance of power among states override the influence of religion and culture?58 Today, while Indian Prime Minister Modi has blended Hindu philosophy with Indian politics, which his opponents criticize as the politics of Hindu nationalism, Chinese President Xi Jinping aims to brand China as the steward of Buddhism re garding religion to enhance China&#8217;s soft power in the world. Taking this as an op portunity, Nepal, which has historically espoused the Hindu and Buddhist philos ophy, may see religious belief as promoting geopolitical harmony and civilizational cohesion. Nepal&#8217;s unflinching belief in neutrality, non-alignment, and world peace is the result of the religious harmony observed in Nepali society.59 Nepal has always stood against any kinds of divisions done on the civilization lines. In 2017, despite the threats of aid cuts from the Trump administration, Nepal voted against the move of the United States to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, at the United Na tions General Assembly. To promote civilizational harmony, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy has always reiterated on world peace, rule-based international order, adherence to international law, and peaceful settlement of international disputes. 218\u00a0<\/p><h1>Idealism<\/h1><p>Idealism is generally associated with the ideolog- ical traits of optimistic rationalists, specifically of the inter-war period. They understood that advancement in human relations is achievable by applying human reason and that fundamen tal human interaction is an essential harmony of interests, an optimism dashed by the disasters of the 1930s, rise of aggressive fascism and Na zism and the collapse of the League of Nations leading up to the start of the Second World War. After a period of normatively based analyses, in ternational relations had to take a more empir ically comprehensive approach, focusing on the requirement of state power for supremacy and dominance in world politics.1 The professional scholarship on Internation al Relations (IR) perceives idealism as a recurrent Photo Credit: White House phenomenon, which have found its place in dif (in picture: US President Woodrow Wilson) ferent historical periods, particularly as a doctrine to deal with the situation of anarchy, i.e., nonexistence of central government. Thus, Idealism is an optimistic canon reiterat ing on a more cosmopolitan and harmonious world order. The narrow understanding, however, perceives idealism as intimately tied to the inter-war period (1919-1939).2 It is a principle that directed the first IR theorizing stage, eying the possibility of inter-dependence between the countries and compounded by the struggle of the League of Nations in attaining an internationalist posture.3 Idealism stands in a sharp opposition to realism, and is also critiqued by the realist for its irrationality of examining something beyond current international realities and the optimism for change in an unchangingly cyclic realm. For Hedley Bull, idealist writing was &#8216;not at all profound&#8217; and &#8216;none is worth reading now except for the light it 221\u00a0 throws upon the preoccupations and presuppositions of its time and place&#8217;.4 Neverthe less, it can also be defined positively in terms of its prerogatives about the nature of the human beings nature and the world order. This worldview dominated the initial years of the discipline international relations discipline. While accommodating different types of behavior, values, habits, cultural norms, and tastes, there is aalways a struggle to develop an uniformity. Irrespective of social, ethnic, cultural, and religious background, all human beings desire equality in wel fare, security, recognition, and respect. A common morality binds all with its core in fundamental human rights and the Kantian principle that human beings should be appreciated as ends in themselves and never treated as mere means.3 Numerous idealists share the belief of the Italian scholar Giuseppe Mazzini that there is no indispensable disharmony in nationalism and internationalism. There is an accepted division of labor between states. Each state has its specific duty to perform, its remarkable contribution to humanity&#8217;s well-being. If all states were to act in this spirit, international harmo ny would triumph. This doctrine provided the philosophical foundation for President Woodrow Wilson&#8217;s campaign to put national self-determination at the core of the 1919 peace settlement.6 Idealism received a visceral attack in E. H. Carr&#8217;s The Twenty Years&#8217; Crisis (1939). One of Carr&#8217;s main criticisms of the idealists (or &#8216;utopians&#8217; as he preferred to call them) was that they undervalued power in international politics and overvalued the role, ac tual and potential of morality, law, and public opinion.7 Realists frequently criticize the intellectual descendants of inter-war idealists.8 Although criticized by many, the concepts of neutrality and non-alignment that evolved during the Cold War in foreign policy analysis have an ideal dimension. These foreign policy strategies have been driven by a very positive foundation with harmony of interest.9 They dominated the IR scholarship for long because of their emphasis on a peaceful and harmonious world. Most of this ideological position is taken by the small states as a strategy for them to exist in the international affairs. These idealistic stands in the foreign policy provide a moral explanation to the small states on their inaction or inactivity in the major events of world politics.10 Nepal is committed to the policy of non-alignment, neutrality, and world peace. This has provided Nepal with a theoretically ideological foundation for its foreign pol icy. With such a foundational basis, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy has always put the Hima layan country in a normative and idealistic position while dealing with the internation al developments. In the instances of the border conflicts between its two neighbors, India and China, Nepal has always exhibited a very moralistic and idealistic position, demanding to resolve conflicts in a peaceful manner. Idealism found a place in Ne pal&#8217;s foreign policy after the political change of 1950. Prior to that Nepal exercised an aligned a non-neutral foreign policy. 222\u00a0 verthe of the 1 years<\/p><h1>Idea of Distributive Justice<\/h1><p>The concepts of distributive justice stipulate what is preordained by a just distribu- forms tion of goods among the members of a society. The principles of distributive justice social are thought-provoking moral direction for political development and structures that n wel affect the distribution of profits in societies. Any principles which do propose this fore kind of moral guidance on distribution, are determined by the principles of distribu uld be tive justice.11 One principle of distributive justice is that of strict or radical equality,12 known also as Strict Egalitarianism, which suggests that every person should have Insand the same material goods (including burdens) and services, since people are ethically Flabor equal and that equality in physical goods and services is the most acceptable method Bution to affect this moral ideal.13 mercy Another principle is the Difference Principle, whose moral motivation is parallel sident to the strict or radical equality principle. The Difference Principle is conjoined with 1919 the principle of equality of opportunity,14 which permits deviating from strict equal ity so long as the inequalities in the inquiry would make the least advantaged in so 1939). ciety substantially better off than they would be under strict equality.15 The only ma them) terial inequalities the Difference Principle allows are those that raise the level of the the, ac least advantaged society. It materially breaks down to strict equality under empirical ize the conditions where differences in income have no consequence on people&#8217;s work incen tive. Advocates of strict equality claim that the Difference Principle&#8217;s inequalities are undesirable even if they advantage the absolute position of the least disadvantaged.16 It that Distributive justice is also guided by welfare-based principles, inspired by the no These tion that people&#8217;s welfare is of crucial moral importance.17 Advocates of welfare-based Mony principle regard the concerns of other theories, such as material equality, the level of is on a primary goods of the least advantaged, resources, or liberty as derivative concern, and small appreciate them only in so far as they affect welfare, and so all distributive enquiries stands in their opinion should be established entirely by how distribution affects welfare. lion or In contrast, it is debated that the welfare theory does not claim that people deserve certain economic benefits considering their actions.18 peace. Libertarian distributive principles hold that a specific distributive pattern is not In the pol obligatory for justice. Robert Nozick advanced this version of libertarianism and Hima proposed Entitlement Theory to explain distributive justice. Classical libertarians such as Nozick generally advocate a system in which there are exclusive property rights, lation with the government&#8217;s role centered in protecting those property rights. They argue habors, that because people own themselves and their talents, they own whatever they can SItion. produce with their talents.19 In Ne In Nepali society where inequality of income, expenditure, and wealth distribu since tion is still prevalent, various causes for this unjust distribution of wealth among the people can be identified while formulating public policies and should also be taken into consideration while implementing those policies. While a large size of popula 223\u00a0 tion remains under the poverty line, most of them belonging to ethnic and margin alized communities, such an adverse situation creates an increased risk of social and political conflicts.20 Nepal&#8217;s politics witnessed a radical transformation from absolute monarchy (that lasted until the late 1980s) to a democracy with a constitutional monarchy in 1990, and again to Federal Democratic Republic following the political change of 2006, which brought the Maoist insurgents into the mainstream politics.21 The decade long Maoist insurgency was rooted in the unequal distribution of income and wealth in the society. Although, the new constitution of 2015 stipulates a socialist economy, distributive justice remains a major challenge before the states because of the in creasing income and wealth inequality.22 Although the concept of radical equality and strict egalitarianism mayn&#8217;t be attainable with the policy choices alone, Nepal&#8217;s neo-liberal economic behavior that stands in a sharp contrast to the constitutional guideline on socialist economy, seeks a political and pragmatic justification.<\/p><h1>Idea of Enemy<\/h1><p>While classical war is based on clear demarcation lines between combatants and non-combatants and was informed by specific codes of conduct, the idea of &#8216;real&#8217; enemy complements the concept by introducing a degree of irregularity into the field of combat. The concept of enemy in the international relations and philosophy of political science is empirically contested. Many classical philosophers and modern scholars have tried to elaborate on the idea. One of the most significant academics among them is Carl Schmitt. The distinctive attribute of the Schmittian conception of the political is the friend-enemy distinction, with difference arising due to a po litical decision concerning a supposed existential threat to the (way of) life of the political community. If there is a lack of supposed violent threat, the other will be thought of as a political friend, and if there is a supposed threat of violence from the other, the other will become a political enemy.23 The concept of enemy not only ends at the process of considering individual as a friend or enemy. Total enmity with another does not mean moralizing enemy rather turns it into a criminal form with the purpose of absolute annihilation of the enemy. Schmitt is exceptionally critical of the turn to absolute enmity, perceiving it as the result of the politicization process, he is trying to halt.24 The friend-enemy difference, is ex clusive to the political for Schmitt who differentiates it from other domains such as the moral, defined by the good\/bad dichotomy, and the aesthetic, defined by the beautiful\/ ugly dichotomy.25 The friend-enemy difference exists on a continuum extending from: \u00b7 a supposed, immediate threat of physical annihilation; 224\u00a0 \u00b7 the supposed, possible threat of physical annihilation; \u00b7 a supposed immediate threat to a way of life or cultural identity; and \u00b7 the supposed possible threat to a way of life or cultural identity.26 The designation of the enemy and, from this, the creation of the political are, concerned around: . the observation of the threat that the other poses, or itself produced from the actions of the other; and \u00b7 the interpretative schema is composed of chosen values that define each polit ical association.27 While the threat of violence is a critical component of the creation and continued existence of the political, this is not to say that all forms of violence are political. It also does not indicate the political aims at the physical annihilation of the designated enemy.28 Schmitt draws from Hobbes&#8217;s proposal that &#8220;no subject can privately determine who is a public friend, who is an enemy.&#8221; 29 The sovereign must choose on the friend\/enemy boundary, which is not a job for private citizens. A primary purpose of the social contract, according to Hobbes, is &#8220;the repelling of a foreign enemy.&#8221; 30 This enemy-centered theory of the duty to obey is a prevalent Hobbesian idea that reverberates with Schmitt&#8217;s think ing. The institution of sovereignty here serves two purposes, &#8220;specifically, the peace of the subjects within themselves, and their defense against a common enemy.&#8221; The Hobbesian enemy is an arrogant individual who requests &#8220;things superfluous,&#8221; that is, more than his share. Underlying this conceptualization is Hobbes&#8217;s view that: &#8216;if any two men desire the same thing, which nevertheless they cannot both enjoy, they become enemies.&#8217; Rivalry over scarce resources is one of the essential sources of enmity.31 Differing from the western classical philosopher and scholar, the non-western scholar, which gives the idea of an enemy, is Kautilya. The Mandala Theory of Kautilya derives the construction of enemy in the non-western realm of international relations. The main elements of the theory being vijigishu, ari, mitra, mitra-mitra, and ari mitra, which construes the enemy as the &#8220;immediate neighbor&#8221; while &#8220;enemy of the enemy&#8221; as a friend, and the friend&#8217;s enemy, as the enemy. Thus, the traditional non-western approach focuses centrally on the state for the construction of enemy.32 In contrast to scholars concerning the enemy&#8217;s development, the theory is restrict ed to psychodynamic and social psychological perspectives in which enmification is professed as the projection of one&#8217;s inner malevolent propensities onto another and, ac cordingly, as a pathological process.33 The psychodynamic approach recognizes enmifi cation as a dynamic process with internal motivating forces. However, from a social psy chological perspective, enmification or the rise of negative stereotypes is also thought to be a dynamic process, although encouraged by external forces, socio-historical contexts, and political developments,34 225\u00a0 Many have thus attempted to define or construct a proper framework for the ene my in international relations. But the enemy concept is still a contested concept in the discipline where the idea to define it has been stretched from the classical philosophies of sovereignty and state, to the psychological approaches to comprehend the term. Ne pal&#8217;s foreign policy has never entertained the concept of enemy. Rather, it prioritizes on the ethos of &#8220;amity with all and enmity with none&#8221;. Also, in the historical documents of strategic value like Divya Upadesh, the idea of defensive posture is prioritized while dealing with the external enemy unlike severely antagonizing the relations. Although Nepal fought British East India Company in a courageous manner, both the countries instantly brushed aside their hostilities against each other with the treaty of 1816.<\/p><h1>Idea of Extraterritoriality<\/h1><p>Extraterritoriality may be understood in terms of a state&#8217;s request for foreign con- duct. Most states are organized under definite conditions to apply their criminal law to their nationals overseas or even to foreigners out of the state. International law admits this kind of extraterritoriality, for instance, in hijacking cases and others. Nevertheless, in other cases, extraterritoriality raises severe problems; the extension of prerogative often appears unjustified and unwarrantable. Deliberated in strictly legal terms, the fundamental issue concerns the appropriate scope of state jurisdiction.35 It is argued that at the point where extraterritoriality becomes unjustified, it steps beyond legal inquiries and enters the zone of economic and political discourse when extraterritoriality becomes a political and economic matter. The word &#8220;economic inter dependence,&#8221; which defines the multifaceted patterns of international economic bonds that bind states together and make them equally dependent, is becoming progressive ly familiar. However, interdependence, or mutual dependence, transmits with it the jeopardy of mutual vulnerability. At the same time, interdependence points to a more focused form of susceptibility, which advances when the main economic actors of our time, the multinational enterprises, are used as apparatuses through which one state proceeds to control events in another state.36 To a significant extent, the multinational corporation has been the apparatus of international economic movement, the economic actor whose actions so frequently cross the national boundaries. A multinational corporation makes its decisions, be they financial, research and development marketing, or production-based on its global oper ations rather than on its actions within one state alone, even when the state is its home or headquarters. Accordingly, it is not unexpected for the multinational corporation to be observed by someone capable of functioning outside the reach of anyone nation&#8217;s jurisdiction. From the perspective of sovereign governments, this supposed capability becomes a critical problem when global reach is used to evade or circumvent nations&#8217; policies. In reaction to such evasions or at least the possibility of evasion, some states 226\u00a0 feel interested in extending their national jurisdictions&#8217; extraterritorial reaches, predom inantly those that see their national policies unsatisfied by multinational corporations. They feel obliged to assert their jurisdiction over the whole range of economic activities by multinationals.37 The political significance of these wishes to implement extraterritorial jurisdiction are understandable. Each nation has a well-developed idea of its sovereign responsibil ities and of its right to exercise sovereign jurisdiction over activities within its borders. Thus, one state&#8217;s unjustified extraterritorial actions appear as intrusions into another&#8217;s domestic affairs and as an encounter to the idea of sovereignty. The matter of political differences between states, nevertheless, should not obscure the legal principles involved here. Even given no fundamental political variances between states, extraterritoriality may still create severe international, legal, political, and economic tensions.38 It is, thus, a tremendously difficult issue, and there is no hard and fast general answer. An assertive and exclusively territorial approach to sovereignty that completely splits na tional jurisdictions will not work in today&#8217;s interdependent world. Some extraterritoriality is unavoidable and, sometimes even desirable, but it must be constrained.39<\/p><h1>Idea of Global Governance<\/h1><p>States are the ultimate provider of se- GLOBALISATION POWER curity in traditional international re GLOBAL THIRD JANUARY lations, where other entities may ex ercise power but only so far as to the GLOBAL GOVERNANCE RESISTANCE EXCLUSION extent deputized, sanctioned or ac RESEARCH cepted by the state. In the globalized CROSS-DISCIPLINARY and interdependent world, states are LEGITIMACY UN CIVIL SOCIETY ARCLIGOU REGULATIONS USINESS also obliged to evolve their sovereign ty from national to supranational level. The political and economic in Photo Credit: UCL tegration at the global level has led to the emergence of the idea of global governance which suggests a change in the locus and form, including transfer of power to global locations and changes in the instruments that control the exercise of such power. This transformed authority cannot always be outlined and legitimated through state&#8217;s con stitution and deviations in decision-making processes. The dynamics of participation can alter state&#8217;s constitutional order.40 During the 1990s, &#8216;global governance&#8217; appeared as the essential term of a po litical program for international reform and a theoretical tool in political research. Incongruent subjects have been examined through the lens of global governance, such as the role of business in environmental policy, negotiation and implementation of public health policies, regulation of world trade, gender policies, weapons bans, 227\u00a0 peace-keeping, and reform of the United Nations system.41 Disagreements exist among scholars in defining the essence of global governance. Rosenau, a scholar renowned in the study of global governance, says &#8220;global governance is considered to comprise systems of rule at all levels of human activity from the family to the international organization in which the pursuit of goals through the exercise of control has transnational repercussions.&#8221; 42 This description has four constitutive ele ments: systems of rule, pursuit of goals, human activity levels, and international reper cussions. Global governance can thus be understood at these four levels. Comprehensible as a response to the failure of the existing international relations to account for empirical transformations, global governance is also understood as &#8220;a heuristic device to capture and describe the confusing and seemingly ever-accelerat ing transformation of the international system&#8221;.43 While the very notion of &#8220;inter national&#8221; relations is conceptually founded on an &#8220;often unquestioned preference for the nation-state as the basic unit of analysis,&#8221;44 the reading of global governance recognizes that many forms of social organization and political decision-making exist which are neither focused toward the state n or originate from it.45 Global governance ascribes equal significance to non-governmental organiza tions (NGOs), transnational corporations (TNCs), and scientific actors.46 While international relations recommend that international interaction can be analyzed at separate levels of social interaction, Global governance considers world politics as a multilevel system in which local, national, regional, and global political procedures are inseparably related. While the idea of international relations is traditionally as sociated with power relations, interest-based interstate bargaining, and, more lately, the part of norms and advocacy systems as the driving forces of politics beyond the state, the concept of global governance starts from the supposition that an extensive diversity of the practices of governance exist.47 In short, the global governance perspective admits that world politics is neither just international governance plus transnational actors nor transnational governance plus international actors. The conceptual emphasis of international relations is ac tor-centered; the word centers on how two or more nation-states will act when they need to exist in a single world, but the global governance perspective indicates a differ ent point of departure. The theory of global governance would, thus, vary from a the ory of international politics. Its fundamental unit of analysis would be the conditions for social activity (norms and rules) rather than actors and relations between them.45 Nepal has always played a significant role in augmenting and upholding global governance in the international society by supporting a rule-based, inclusive, hu man-centered international system. To facilitate Nepal&#8217;s role in global governance, a foreign policy emphasizing on a norm-driven international system founded on the principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, and independence has been ad vantageous. Nepal&#8217;s role has been of a norm entrepreneur reflecting the voices of the developing, least developed, and landlocked states of the world through active partic ipation in the multilateral organizations and forums. 228<\/p><h1>Imagined Community<\/h1><p>The idea of &#8220;Imagined Community&#8221; was introduced to the realm of International An intellectual gant Relations by the political scientist Benedict Anderson in his study Imagined Commu BENEDICT nities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread ANDERSON of Nationalism (1983). Anderson present ed nationalism as a method of imagining and thus constructing community. The nation &#8220;is imagined as a community, be cause, nevertheless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may triumph in each, IMAGINED the nation is always considered a profound, horizontal comradeship&#8221;.49 Anderson&#8217;s ini COMMUNITIES tial point is that, when it is used in mod ern societies, &#8220;community&#8221; is an effort to Reflections on the Origin and recall and restate a sense of a modest, more Spread of Nationalism convinced, shared way of life that existed during the historical period that preceded the present age of complication, insecurity, Photo Credit: Imagined Community by Benedict Anderson (Book Cover) and individualization.50 He contended that nationalism had distinct historical origins than Eurocentric authors had recommended and claimed that nationalism should be associated with religious constructions of identity and community compared to other political ideolo gies. He concentrated attention not on the normative ideological question of whether nationalism was enhanced than class consciousness, but on the explanatory question of why communist states might go to war with each other, understanding conflict basi cally in nationalist terms. He questioned how nationalism worked as a matter of social relationships, symbols, and categories of consciousness. However, there is a shared misunderstanding in misreading &#8216;imagined&#8217; as &#8216;imagi nary&#8217;. Anderson proposes that, though this is an entity that is very much taken to be granted by most people, the process by which its rise happened was the outcome of a unique set of events that involved a reorganizing of the ways that societies both thought about themselves and interconnected with the outside world.51 As Anderson perceives, the nation is the ultimate imagined community because it indicates a cohesive entity with common history, a shared culture, and an ostensible sense of purpose.52 Imagine communities posed a challenge to the leading Marxist dismissal of national ism, and was outlined incompletely in Marxist categories, in reaction to questions that had determined the international working class and postcolonial movements,53 Imag ined Communities informed the constructivist movement and facilitated to correct the 229\u00a0 overpowering Eurocentrism in the field. Indeed, Imagined Communities also informed the debate in another branch of political science, the quasi-autonomous sub-discipline of political theory. Discussions in political theory were caught for a quarter-century in an argument between liberals and communitarians in which efforts to elucidate what community meant loomed large.54 Through Imagined Communities, Benedict Anderson succeeded not only in help ing scholars and students of international relations to understand nationalism and na tion-states beyond the conventional lense. Anderson refused to presume the good and the bad of nations. He distinguished the significance of nationalism in both nasty wars and national liberation movements and investigated the inconsistent power of a way of imagining a life dissimilar from a dynastic realm or a religious community, but with each able to restructure human relations in various settings. Undervaluing nations and nationalism is a mistake. So is universalizing or eternalizing them. Anderson offers the way for a more nuanced understanding.55<\/p><h1>Integration<\/h1><p>After the first half of the twentieth-century, regional associations consistently associ- ated with the political, military, and trade organizations were gradually devised. After the Second World War, the issue of economic cooperation emerged, and integration unions started to give the impression of cooperation in the international arena along with free trade zones, regional banks, which predominantly depended on the produc tive forces along with the rapid liberalization of economic relations.56 The contemporary development of theoretical studies on integration processes is associated with world political events between the second half of the 1980s and the early 1990s. The key reason was the collapse of the bipolar world order after the disin tegration of USSR. In today&#8217;s multipolar world, integration (Latin: integratio) stands as one of the defining trends of international relations and refers to &#8216;restoration&#8217; and &#8216;unit ing of individual parts into an entity&#8217;. The term itself may have diverse connotations conditional on the application and branch of knowledge.57 International Relations(IR) studies integration as both, political and economic. To comprehend the theoretical grounds of the integration processes, it is important to understand the origin of two grand theories of federalism and functionalism. The orizing related to integration appeared as an effort to discover the optimal way of im plementing integration. The first effort to study the singularity of political integration ideologically originated in Europe in the early 1920s.58 Federalism\/neo-federalism and functionalism\/neo-functionalism in that regard have been used as the foundation for further comprehension of integration. The development of supranational actors in to day&#8217;s world engaged certain sovereign functions of national states, and their cumulative influence on the global political and economic milieu conveyed globalization&#8217;s qualita tive content to a new level.59 230\u00a0 Integration is the maximum level of economic cooperation. In a regionally inte grated market, some of the traditional decision-making powers of the nation-state has been handed over to the regional level, and regional guidelines and decisions succeed national legislation. Additionally, specific economic policies are articulated on the re gional level. Integration can, therefore, refer both to the development as a whole and a certain advanced level of cooperation. The phenomenon of integration is affected by various factors on different levels of the international system. Any changes in interna tional system affect integration possibilities in every region of the world. In principle, these changes should be understood as structural transformation of the international system that directly impact integration processes.60 Although there is a significant focus on economic integration in contemporary times, the political union is often seen as the ultimate stage of integration, which also involves the integration of legislative and judi cial processes.61 Although landlocked countries like Nepal favor the spirit of integration of the South Asian region, SAARC hasn&#8217;t been able to achieve it because of the perpet ual conflict between India and Pakistan and because of the availability of alternatives including BBIN AND BIMSTEC.<\/p><h1>International Criminal Court (ICC)<\/h1><p>In many conflicts worldwide, there are always the chances of armies or rebel groups attacking innocent citizens and committing horrific human rights crimes against them. These crimes are not usually reprimanded by the national courts. To address such crimes, in 2002, the international community developed an international court. The International Criminal Court (ICC) as a permanent international tribunal was established to prosecute crimes against humanity, genocide, and war crimes. It is presently based in The Hague, Netherlands.62 Photo Credit: Agencies 231\u00a0 The Statute for the creation of the Court was adopted at an international confer ence in Rome on July 17, 1998. Succeeding the 60th ratification of the Rome Statute in April 2002, the Court began its work on July 1, 2002. One hundred twenty-three states have ratified the Rome Statute as of November 2019.63 The Court is supported by as sistance from the state parties and with the voluntary contributions from governments, individuals, international organizations, corporations, and other entities.64 Every state party contributes one representative to the Assembly of States Parties (ASP). The ASP meets once a year, either in The Hague or at the United Nations Head quarters in New York, and can also hold distinctive sessions if necessary. The Court consists of four principal organs: the Presidency, the Judicial Divisions (chambers), the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP), and the Registry.65 The Presidency attends to the overall administration of the Court; eighteen judges comprise the Judicial Division of Pre-Trial, Trial, and Appeals; the Office of the Prosecutor is responsible for examination of conditions and cases and trial of individuals; and the Registry is accountable for the non-judicial features of administration and examining of the Court.66 As the sphere of ICC jurisdiction, there are three main categories of the ICC juris diction: territorial, temporal, and substantive crimes. Under the Rome Statute, the ICC has jurisdiction over crimes committed within a state party&#8217;s territory. The exception to this territorial requirement is when a situation is referred to the ICC by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), including referral of any situation in any state. Temporal jurisdiction is limited to crimes committed on and after July 1, 2002, when the ICC was established, or to crimes committed on and after the date of ratification of a state party. Four crimes are forbidden under the Rome Statute, although presently, the ICC exercises jurisdiction over only three crimes. Article 6 prescribes the crime of geno cide; crimes against humanity are set out in Article 7, and Article 8 forbids commission of war crimes. The fourth Rome Statute is about the crime of aggression.67 Photo Credit: International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia 232\u00a0 The ICC does not substitute national criminal justice systems; rather, it comple ments them. When a state turns out to be a party to the Rome Statute, it agrees to submit itself to the ICC&#8217;s jurisdiction concerning the crimes enumerated in the Statute. The ICC prosecutes individuals, not groups or States.68 Any individual purported to have committed crimes within the ICC jurisdiction may be brought before the ICC, which is a judicial institution with an exclusively judicial mandate. It is not subject to political control. As an independent court, its decisions are based on legal standards and concentrated by impartial judges following the provisions of its founding treaty, the Rome Statute, and other legal texts prevailing the Court&#8217;s work.69 In the Nepali context, Human rights defenders and activists are often heard of penalizing the grave human rights violations and war crimes committed during the decade-long civil war in Nepal, including unlawful killing, sexual violence, torture, enforced disappearance, and long-term arbitrary arrests. Hundreds of thousands of ci vilians were then internally displaced. But what is to be understood is that Nepal is not a signatory to the Rome Statute and has not ratified any of the Kampala Amendments. While Nepal did not sign the Agreement on Privileges and Immunity (APIC) in De cember 2002, it has signed a bilateral immunity agreement (BIA) with the USA, which entered into force on July 22, 2003.<\/p><h1>International Criminal Tribunals<\/h1><p>The Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals held the most senior living political and military officials of Japan and Germany from 1945 to 1946 and 1946 to 1948(except for Em peror Hirohito) for crimes against peace, INTERNATIONAL war crimes and crimes against humanity, LAW comprising participation in a mutual plan or conspiracy to commit those crimes. Af ter the conclusion of those trials, the United Photo Credit: iStock Nations Security Council (UNSC) recog nized the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in 1990s. Their establishment cemented the way for instituting the Inter national Criminal Court in 1998 and a group of mixed criminal tribunals, some of them with a vital international element as with the Special Court for Sierra Leone.70 With this set of international criminal courts and tribunals&#8217; establishment and functioning, the international community could implement its criminal prohibitions directly. In short, concerning the core crimes, the jus puniendi was concluded to be an exclusive state prerogative; additionally, it is implemented at the international level on behalf of the international community as a whole.71 The establishment of international 233\u00a0 criminal courts and tribunals is undoubtedly the main accomplishment in terminat ing impunity of those accountable for grave and appalling crimes, frequently com mitted on behalf of the state, or with the tolerance, acquiescence, or direct sustenance of the apparatus of the state. The development of both an international humanitarian system and an international human rights regime set the foundation essential for implementing international criminal justice initiation through international criminal tribunals.72 International criminal tribunals are living entities, and prosecutors and judges are, like national prosecutors and judges, subject to internal and external stresses. Their capability is not in question, but their independence rests in part on their integrity, on their moral courage, their apprehension for victims and their dedication to the ideal of international law, and in part on balance between the ideals of justice and the inevitabil ity to make compromises in the interest of safeguarding survival of these new bodies.73<\/p><h1>International Law<\/h1><p>International law is the law governing relations between the countries. It includes both, public and private international law. The term &#8220;private international law&#8221; cov ers laws regulating private interactions across national frontiers, whereas the term public international law or the legal rules and norms governing relations between sovereign states.74 International public law is the part of international law where the principal participants are states capable of participating in global affairs. Two different schools have comprehended international law. The naturalist school (Samuel Pufendorf, 1632-1694) identified international law entirely with nature. The other school is called positivism (Richard Zouche, 1590-1660, and Bynkershoek, 1673 1743) which distinguished international law against law of nature.75 Positivism devel oped along with modern nation-state system after the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. Both positivism and naturalism appeared in the work of Vattel (1717-1767), who was a Swiss lawyer. His main work is the Droit des Gens, based on natural law but practically oriented. He presented the principle of the equality of States into international law.76 The sources of international law are rich and diverse. The commonly accepted list on the sources of international law can be found in Article 38(1) of the Statue of the International Law of Justice, which is an annex to the Charter of the United Nations. It is also essential to note that there is no formal hierarchy between the sources of in ternational law.77 1. The Court, whose function is to decide per international law such disputes as are submitted to it, shall apply: a) international conventions, whether general or, establishing rules expressly recog nized by the contesting states; 234\u00a0 b) international custom, as evidence of a general practice accepted as law; c. the general principles of law recognized by civilized nations; c) Subject to the provisions of Article 59, judicial decisions, and the teachings of the most highly qualified publicists of the various nations, as subsidiary means for the determination of rules of law.78 2. This provision shall not prejudice the Court&#8217;s power to decide a case ex aequo et bono if the parties agree to that. States are the main subjects of international law. However, besides states, in ternational organizations, individuals, transnational organizations, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Holy See and Vatican City, the Sovereign Order of Malta, and the common heritage of humankind are also the legal personalities under the international law.79 International law is dependent on state consent to assume an obligation. States can object to rules, but certain norms are peremptory. These norms cannot be modified. The term is jus cogens. A treaty provision that conflicts with a norm that is jus cogens is void. When a new peremptory norm develops, con trary treaties are void as well. A peremptory norm is &#8216;accepted and recognized by the international community of states, as described by the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. Norms accepted as jus cogens are, for example, the prohibitions on genocide, torture, and slavery.80 As for Nepal, as a dynamic member of the UN, Nepal has signed international treaties and covenants, and has been playing a vibrant role in various international fo rums with full commitments to the principle of non-intervention and non-interference in internal affairs of states, non-use of threat of force, territorial sovereignty, peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, coopera tion and friendly relations among states, equality of rights, and the right of people to determine their destiny, and pacta sunt survanda.81 Nepal has continuously encouraged the instant granting of the right to self-determination to peoples under the domain of colonialism.82 Even though international law facilitates a line of defense for small states like Ne pal, bilateral relations with a powerful state is an impediment.83 Throughout history, there have been such incidences, where international laws and conventions have been dissolutely violated, to achieve the conferred interest of the powerful states. In such an opposing condition, where a state&#8217;s territorial integrity is vulnerable, no small states can resort to force, and when diplomatic efforts fail to resolve the dispute with their power ful states, small states have to choose for adjudication.84 The Indian blockade on Nepal in 2015 violated the Convention on Transit and Trade of the Land-locked States of 1965. The Convention authorizes landlocked states like Nepal to import goods from other states without any problems.85 The blockade also violated the UN Convention on the Law of the Seas 1973, to which both Nepal 235\u00a0 and India are signatories. The convention which permits landlocked states like Nepal unhindered access to sea states that &#8216;the high seas are open to all states in terms of passageway, resources and environment, whether coastal or landlocked&#8217;.86 The World Trade Organization (WTO) rules were also violated.87 As members of the WTO, Nepal and India need to endorse free trade together, but Indian blockade violated it. In 1989, when the transit treaty between the two states deceased, India had imposed blockade on Nepal.88 All this apart, the 2015 blockade violated the Asian Highway Agreement, (both the states are parties to the agreement to connect their highways for regional trade and development), SAFTA (South Asian countries have adopted South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) to encourage trade and commercial actions) as also in South Asia (both members of SAARC). Despite the clear violation of the international law, Nepal cannot afford to compromise its bilateral relations with India.<\/p><h1>International Monetary Fund (IMF)<\/h1><p>The International Monetary Fund (IMF) came into existence after the end of World War II. In July 1944, at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, delegates from 44 nations agreed to establish an international monetary system. At the core of that system was a projected international organization, the International Monetary Fund, to monitor the monetary system. The IMF began its operation in Washington DC in May 1946 with 39 members. When it was established as a specialized UN agency, scholars con tended that the IMF would be obligated to act following the UN Charter.89 With the passage of time, the institution became involved in the financial mat ters of the developing countries as a regulator of fiscal policy and delving into other domestic matters. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has been deeply involved in economic governance in developing states through its conditional lending since the late 1970s. The IMF&#8217;s purposes are outlined in the Articles of Agreement of the In ternational Monetary Fund, adopted in July 1944, and amended in 1969, 1978, and 1992.9\u00ba IMF aims to promote international monetary cooperation and provides the machinery for consultation and collaboration on international monetary problems and facilitates the balanced growth of international trade, exchanging stability, main taining orderly exchange arrangements among members, and avoiding competitive exchange depreciation. IMF assists in establishing a multilateral system of payments and eliminating foreign exchange restrictions. It also of fers general resources of the Fund temporarily, providing its clients with the chance to correct estrangements in M their balance of payments without resorting to actions destructive of national or international prosperity.91 RY CUSTOMER** 236\u00a0 IMF&#8217;s highest authority is the Board of Governors, consisting of ministers of fi nance or central bank governors of the member countries. On joining IMF, each mem ber contributes a sum of money known as a quota, which can be drawn upon by the IMF to lend to members with payment problems. The bigger and wealthier the con tributor&#8217;s economy, the greater is its quota and voting power are allocated primarily in proportion to the quotas.92 Upon joining the Fund, member states obligate themselves to supply such infor mation as the Fund deems necessary for its activities, including data on national in come, prices, balance of payments, foreign exchange rates, and so forth, and the Fund is authorized to act as a center for collection and exchange of information on monetary and financial problem. If the Fund suspects a member state of violating the code of exchange-rate behavior, consultations are held with that member. In principle, a severe offender could be denied the right to borrow from the Fund and eventually be expelled. The states also obligate themselves to remove any restrictions they may have on pay ments for current international transactions as soon as their international balances of payments permit.93 To promote international monetary cooperation, IMF offers ample opportunity for discourse among its 190 members,94 cooperates with international organizations, and provides technical assistance in monitoring and forecasting global economic de velopments, managing fiscal, monetary, and foreign exchange affairs. The Fund, thus, provides an impressive machinery for international monetary cooperation.95 The Fund&#8217;s role in promoting orderly exchange rate arrangements changed dramat ically as the Bretton Woods par value system gave way to a hybrid system incorporating much greater exchange-rate flexibility. To foster an orderly, efficient balance-of-pay ments mechanism, the IMF offers loans to many nations that need to correct their balance-of-payments deficits.96 IMF&#8217;s role in Nepal has been significant. During the Panchayat era there was an autocratic party-less system. This implied absence of accountability and transparency in governance, poverty, and livelihood difficulties when unparalleled growth in the scale of budgetary deficit fueled current account deficits.97 This enforced Nepal to negotiate a backup credit arrangement with the IMF and Nepal executed an economic stabili zation program in 1984\/85, followed by the Structural Adjustment program of IMF and the World Bank in 1986\/87 which brought numerous market reforms compelling Nepal to alter its economic policy from being largely state controlled to a market-ori ented one. As a first step, the Nepalese currency was undervalued by 14.7 percent on November 30, 1985,98 supplemented by the overview of some liberal policy procedures in trade, industry, and monetary field. In agriculture, the state-supported cooperatives were made to sell inputs including fertilizer to the farmers. A policy of maintaining fertilizer prices close to prices predominant in India was pursued,99 Nepal became a member of IMF on 6 September 1961, Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB), the central bank of Nepal, maintains relations with domestic and international finan 237\u00a0 cial institutions to strengthen cooperation and transfer knowledge and skills in diverse fields of needs, including research and capacity development.100 IMF has contributed substantively to the country&#8217;s development, particularly in the reconstruction of Nepal after the earthquake. In 2020, the IMF Executive Board approved the 50th request for emergency financial assistance of US $ 214 million to Nepal to help address the chal lenges posed by COVID-19.101<\/p><h1>International Political Economy<\/h1><p>The International Political Economy (IPE) is one of the most recent entries into the curricular canon of International Relations. The classical scholarship on political economy goes back to the works of Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and Karl Marx who stressed that politics and economics do not operate in separate realms, but are closely interrelated. However, with the beginning of the twentieth century, the schol arship on economics and politics became more disconnected, developing into two separate scholarly fields, each with its distinct language and discrete focus.102 First, IPE comprises a political element concentrating on power through an inter play of diversity of actors, consisting of states, individuals, domestic groups, interna tional organizations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and transnational cor porations (TNCs). Second, IPE includes an economic dimension that deals with how unique resources are distributed amongst individuals, groups, and nation-states. Third, the works of Charles Lindblom and economists Robert Heilbroner and Lester Thurow help us comprehend that IPE does not reflect sufficiently the societal facet of various international problems.103 The volume by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye Power and Interdependence char acteristically signaled the new sub-discipline&#8217;s advent in International Relations. Robert Gilpin provided the standard definition of IPE along the cleavage between the state and the market: &#8220;The parallel existence and mutual interaction of &#8216;state&#8217; and &#8216;market&#8217; in the modern world create &#8216;political economy&#8217; [ &#8230; ] In the absence of the state, the price mechanism and market forces would determine the outcome of economic activities; this would be the pure world of the economist. In the absence of the market, the state or its equivalent would allocate economic re sources; this would be the political scientist&#8217;s pure world.&#8221; 104 Approaching IPE from IR&#8217;s perspective fostered the &#8220;states versus markets&#8221; dichoto my that characterized the dominant IPE ap proaches exemplified by Gilpin and Strange. These writers condemned economics for ben efitting actors&#8217; interaction in economic mar Photo Credit: Research Leap 238\u00a0 kets and conceptualizing politics as a mere &#8220;constraint&#8221; to pursue optimal policies.105 From the IR perspective, it seemed that a strictly economic approach ignored the state&#8217;s preeminence as a political actor in the international system, centered on national secu rity and sovereignty in its policies. Nevertheless, in its obsession with war and security, IR was guilty of ignoring the economic factors, which is of central importance in state craft. For Gilpin and Strange, IPE should examine the collaboration between states (as the foundation of political power in the international system) and markets (as the vital source of wealth).106 Contemporary IPE can be understood as analyzing collaboration between the po litical and the economic domain, including state and non-state actors on the national and the international level. The dominant themes in modern IPE are either precise issue-areas such as political guideline questions in terms of governance (of the interna tional economy) or international trade, international finance, and (economic) develop ment. The conventional view on IPE separates the field into three significant paradigms: realism\/mercantilism, liberalism\/pluralism, and Marxist structuralism.107 Realism and liberalism have converged on many essential points. While the discussion between neo realism and neoliberalism categorized the theoretical discourse in IPE during the 1980s, it terminated with a pragmatic fusion of sorts. A connected facet of the relative decline of Marxist structuralism has been the virtual disappearance of genuine &#8216;Latin American voices&#8217; in mainstream IPE. Many modern IPE scholars do not define themselves as followers of one of the three paradigms. The key motive is that each school presents a comprehensible but nearly self-sufficient explanatory agenda that emphasis one aspect of the international political economy but neglects many others. 108 Thus, the convergence of international, comparative, and domestic political econ omy has an optimistic development in recent years. Possibly, it helps to prevent dis ciplinary biases from excluding potential explanations of phenomena. It also reflects the process of globalization, which has softened distinctions between domestic and international politics. Even those who criticize the turn toward rationalist economics in political economy must first understand and appreciate its benefits; an active critical engagement between economics and political economy can be useful for both politics and economy.109<\/p><h1>International Society<\/h1><p>The concept of international society was established by the so-called &#8216;English school&#8217; theorists. Still, the notion of international society goes back at least as far as Hugo Gro tius,110 and is entrenched in the classical legal worldview about how international law promotes a community of those contributing to the international legal order. Within the discipline of international relations, the idea of international society has been ad vanced by the critics of the so-called English school, containing E. H. Carr, C. A. W. 239\u00a0 Manning, Martin Wight, Hedley Bull, Adam Watson, John Vincent, Gerrit Gong, and James Mayall.111 Historically, the development of international Edited and introduced by Kat Alderson and Andrew Hurrell society is rooted in the development of the legal tra dition in Europe over the last five centuries.112 This HEDLEY BULL ON system was shaped first as a Christian international INTERNATIONAL society in which value like co-existence were en SOCIETY dorsed according to natural law. In the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the concept of sovereignty was popularized as an element of the state, and states acknowledged one another&#8217;s sover eignty. International law evolved through the coop eration among states in this period. The European international society progressively expanded, at first to non-Western states such as the Ottoman Empire, Japan, and China, which recognized European val ues, and then to all the new states decolonized after Photo Credit: Headley Bull on Interna the Second World War. European international so tional Society (ed by Kai Alderson and ciety, ultimately, has become a global international Andrew Hurrell) (Book Cover) society.113 Bull and Watson describe international society as &#8220;a group of states (or, more usually, a group of independent political communities) which not simply form a system, in the sense that the behavior of each is an essential factor in the calculations of the others, but also have recognized by dialogue and con sent common rules and institutions for the conduct of their relations, and distinguish their common interest in maintaining these arrangements.&#8221; 114 It is important here to differentiate the idea of international society from the two other concepts including, in ternational system and world society. The international system is designed when states cooperate enough to have an adequate impact on one another&#8217;s decisions. 115 The inter national system lacks recognizing common interests and consent of standard rules and institutions operating in international society. On the other hand, while international society comprises states, the world society is a collection of individuals. In the world society, shared values and rules are mutual at the individual level.116 Three basic principles administer relationships in international society. The first is sovereignty, which is the rudimentary foundation of the states and states system. On the one hand, internal sovereignty means that the state is the only actor to use force le gally within its territory, making it possible to distinguish states from every other social organization. On the other hand, external sovereignty, which means that the state is not subject to any outside authority, leads to states&#8217; independence and the requirement of non-interference in other states&#8217; domestic affairs. 117 The second is reciprocity, which is reckoned as the driving force of international society,118 This is because the essential condition for establishing an international soci 240\u00a0 ety is its members&#8217; preparedness to identify mutual sovereign equality. Reciprocity also strengthens international law, diplomacy, international organizations, and cooperation in economic and social areas.119 The third principle is the balance of power. The con cept of sovereignty creates states, and reciprocity supports sovereign equality and forms the state&#8217;s system. However, states and the states&#8217; system are in an anarchical relation ship, and there exists the need to accommodate disparities in power among states. The most critical mechanism for meeting this need is the balance of power.120 All states, however, seek to strengthen their power and carry on with their strug gle for survival. If this is permitted to continue unimpeded, state sovereignty may be invaded, and the states&#8217; system may fall into disorder. The states in international soci ety maintain the balance of power with an attempt to evade this situation. The great powers are significant actors in maintaining the balance of power. War may be used to preserve the balance of power. The balance of power in international society, however, is different from that in a state of nature. 121 S System Ch y other sc 241\u00a0<\/p><h1>Jihad<\/h1><p>Following the 9\/11 attack, the term jihad became a catchphrase, particularly after the western world branded it as a driving force of the Islamic community in obtaining the expected political goals. In the view of Samuel P. Huntington, Jihad creates clash of civilization. Jihad is also understood as a key factor for fundamentally trans Photo Credit: E-International Relations forming the 21st century interna tional relations owing to the place it found in Bush Doctrine that divided the world into &#8220;us and them&#8221; after the 9\/11 attack and in the context of US-led War on Terror. Simply understood as an act of resistance or struggle, jihad can be understood from linguistic and theological views. jihad in Islamic law is constructed on the Quran and the Hadith. Etymologically, the word jihad originates from the Arabic, which means &#8220;devoting all ability and efforts&#8221;.1 Lexically, jihad means devoting the entire efforts and capability to get through severe and complicated problems. The notion and exercise of jihad have been critical in the history of Islam.2 From the rise of Islam and the foundation and enlargement of the Muslim commnity, jihad has played a fundamental role in Islam. jihad (exertion or struggle) is sometimes denoted as the Sixth Pillar of Islam. In his tory (as in other faiths), sacred scripture has been used and neglected, understood, and misunderstood, rationalizing resistance and liberation struggles, extremism and terror ism, and holy and unholy wars. The importance of jihad is deep-rooted in the Quran&#8217;s command to struggle (the literal meaning of the word jihad) in the path of God.3 Since the late 20th century, the word jihad has gained extraordinary attention: understood as liberation, resistance, and terrorist movements alike to legitimate their reason and stimulate their followers. In the history of Islam, jihad has resurfaced whenever Muslims have experienced torture and agony. The invasion of Afghanistan 246\u00a0 by Russian troops and the occupation of Palestine by Jewish population were the few instances in the 20th century for the break out of jihad.4 In an Islamic world, jihad is understood from the spiritual lens and is considered to avoid worldly temptations and passions that always invite humans to deceitful acts and neglect of religious actions.5 jihad has become a significant foundation of inspiration for Muslims for centuries. Nonetheless, in the latter half of the twenti eth century, &#8220;new&#8221; jihad ( new, here, refers to globalization of jihad) was exploited globally to assemble individuals and political and social movements, mainstream and extremist.6 It was guided by the narrow interpretation of jihad which demands in &#8220;fighting the infidels&#8221;, than &#8220;to fight the lust, Satan (devil), and evil&#8221;. Nevertheless, the significance of jihad lies not only in &#8220;struggling or fighting a war&#8221; but suggests &#8220;trying an effort earnestly&#8221;. Still, the most popular interpretation of jihad is restricted to physical struggle with weapons.7 Theologically, Islamic thinkers have offered a different approach to jihad, whose scope is comprehensive, ranging from fight against passions, and taking up arms to battle in an earnest way for a useful purpose.8 Nonetheless, some substance can be discerned in traditional form of jihad is nucleated as a request to the religious right. jihad is also a peaceful way to invite people to the religion. Jihad of possessions or physical jihad, let alone thejihad of lives (war), is not the principal purpose of sharia. In the sense of earnest effort, jihad generates the good of the environment, nature, and the world as a whole. Consequently, in this context, jihad means applying yourself to build prosperity for hu mankind, impose national discipline, and shape a more democratic country, with more justice. The values of universal jihad could then be practical to any non-Muslims.9 Today, jihad is being misused and its peaceful meaning is deteriorated while exploit ing it as a mere political rhetoric. The holy Quran doesn&#8217;t suggest to express offensive pos ture. It is always used with a defensive shield for the protection of Muslims, their religion, lands, and properties. Nevertheless, jihad in Islam does not mean striving for individual or national power, wealth, prestige, dominance, glory, or pride. Thus, it is strange and unfair to associate jihad with atrocities and killing or equate with &#8216;Holy War&#8217;.10 247\u00a0<\/p><h1>Kant&#8217;s Perpetual Peace<\/h1><p>Immanuel Kant&#8217;s Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch is a classic specimen on peace studies.1 Kant&#8217;s appeal for CLASSIC REPRINT SERIFI perpetual peace should be understood in the context of warfare initiated by the princes of Europe with the help PERPETUAL PEACE of mercenaries in the 18th century. Through the con cept of perpetual peace, Kant has expressed his distaste A Philosophical Essay, 1795 over the &#8220;horrors of violence&#8221; and the &#8220;devastation&#8221;2 caused by the war. To Kant, the idea of perpetual peace was a means to end war, subjugation, the damage of liberty, and foreign domination.3 Thus, Kantian world Immanuel Kant view offers a moralist standpoint on resolving struggle through international law in the balance of power after the 1648 Peace of Westphalia.4 Photo Credit: Perpetual Peace by Kant believed that the outcome of European wars Immanuel Kant (Book Cover) explains the justification for perpetual peace. Furthermore, just as a peace treaty ends the evil of a specific war, so the peace alliance is supposed to &#8220;put an end to war for ever&#8221; and eliminate the evils of war as such. This is what is intended by &#8220;perpetual peace&#8221;.5 While perpetual peace is a distinguishing feature of a cosmopolitan order, Kant classifies three basic natural propensities why a federation of nations could be in the rational self-interest of each state: I. The peaceful character of republics; II. The power of international trade to forge an association; and III. The function of the political public sphere.6 For Kant, such an extensive freedom of action can occur only in a republic, by which he means a system of government that complements the rights of private property and contract that distributes legislative, executive, and judicial power, and forbids exclusive and hereditary rulers, who see their territory and their office as private prop erty? In Toward Perpetual Peace, Kant emphasized that steady peace can come only 249\u00a0 when all the nations of the world are such republics, ruled by citizens who perceive the safety of their possessions attaining only under the universal rule of law instead of by proprietary rulers who can constantly see an adjacent state as a potential addition to their possessions.8 This idea of &#8220;Perpetual Peace&#8221; was also realized in the efforts towards liberal internationalism by Woodrow Wilson, who assumed that military conflicts might be eliminated through the arrangement of international law or the institutionaliza tion of international cooperation.9 Woodrow Wilson&#8217;s Fourteen Points were a realistic transcript of Kant&#8217;s Perpetual Peace&#8217;s epistle and essence10 and reiterated Kant&#8217;s idea of &#8216;cosmopolitan law&#8217; in challenging &#8216;all economic barriers and establishing an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance&#8217;.11 Wilson&#8217;s Kantian moralism was the one, which per forming on behalf of an ideal League, was bound to fail in practice while performing in accord with worldly authenticities.12 Wilson&#8217;s natural disaster was not that he did not attain a Kantian federation which would end war, but that he did not attain what he might have done in the conditions.13 Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy of world peace and the current foreign policy priority on &#8220;amity with all and enmity with none&#8221; echoes the influence of Kantian world view. The five principles of peaceful co-existence that Nepal has always incorporated in their foreign policy objectives, also suggest Kathmandu&#8217;s interest in being part of a peaceful international relations<\/p><h1>League of Nations<\/h1><p>The League of Nations was the first international institution officially man dated for maintaining global peace and security.1 During its short but eventful existence (1920- 1946), the League was sharply criticized; nevertheless, its achievements and experiences were valu able in building a new world order.2 To circumvent bloody wars like the First World War, the first confer ence aimed at establishing the League Photo Credit: Getty Images of Nation was convened by Edward Grey, a British Foreign Secretary and was accepted by US President Woodrow Wilson. Wilson&#8217;s fourteen points&#8217; agenda for peace centered on the creation of the League, which sought to create a community of nations by prioritizing on the primacy of territorial integrity for both the great and small powers. The Paris Peace Conference accepted the proposal to create the League of Nations. A commission subsequently drafted the League&#8217;s covenant. The treaty of Versailles, Part 1, established the League after the treaty&#8217;s signature on 28th June 1919.3 The League of Nation had three fundamental organs- a council, a secretariat established in Geneva and supervised by the General Secretary, and an Assembly. For any action to be taken, both the Council and the Assembly needed an unanimous vote. The League coordinated several agencies, commissions, and the Permanent Court of International Justice to tackle pressing international issues. The other bodies included Disarmament Commission, Health Organization, In ternational Labor Organization, Mandates Commission, Permanent Central Opium Board, Commission for Refugees, and the Slavery Commission.4 The League of Na tions&#8217; responsibilities were to reduce national armaments to the lowest point, protect all members of the League&#8217;s interest, peacefully settle international disputes, ensure peaceful change, and maintain international peace and security.5 251\u00a0 The League succeeded in terminating some conflicts and accomplished tasks through numerous Commissions, such as in dealing with refugees, trying to wipe out diseases, and improving working conditions across the world. The League persuaded Yugoslavia to withdraw its troops from Albania in 1920, settled the issue peacefully settled the dispute between Finland and Sweden over Islands in 1920, resolved a dis pute between Iraq and Turkey over Mosul in 1924, and ordered Greece to withdraw its troops and pay compensation for the damage caused over Macedonia 1925.6 Other achievements were successful administration of Danzig and Saar, stabi lization of the currencies of Austria and Hungary in the 1920s preventing Austria from bankruptcy, arranging world conferences on tariffs and trade agreements, and establishment of the International Labor Organization to enhance working status. Its main accomplishment was weakening child labor in some states.7 The League, however, failed to ensure disarmament and to resolve numerous issues: Vilna 1920, Russo-Polish War 1920-21, Greece vs Turkey 1920-21, Memel 1923, the occupation of Ruhr 1923, Corfu Incident 1923. Some of the reasons for the League&#8217;s failure were: the Council&#8217;s needed an unanimous vote for decision; the League covenant imposed restrictions instead of prohibiting wars; and the USA was not a member of the League despite President Wilson&#8217;s efforts.8 The League also failed to respond to the events that preceded WWII, including Hitler&#8217;s occupation of Austrian territories, remilitarization of the Rhineland that violated the Versailles Treaty and forestall Japan&#8217;s assertive overtures in Eastern Asia.9<\/p><h1>Legitimacy<\/h1><p>Legitimacy denotes the principle of rightfulness and acceptability of a political au- thority. Quite often, the legitimacy of political orders and institutions, rulers, and governance, or policies is evaluated, affirmed, or accepted or objected, based on spe cific criteria which may vary (and have done so widely in the history of political thought). Thus, legitimacy can be distinguished from concepts such as stability or compliance, which may also be grounded in usual obedience, fear of penalty, or en tirely instrumental cost-benefit calculations.10 A brief examination of the history of legitimacy shows that the normative ap proach has a long intellectual lineage. While the attempt of rulers to justify their position as rightful is probably as old as political authority itself, the term legitimacy can be traced back to the Latin word legitimus, used both in Roman and medieval jurisprudence to characterize a situation that followed the law, justice, and customs.&#8221; In the Middle Ages, the concept gained increasing political significance when it came to denote legal succession to the throne according to the principle of primo geniture. Finally, legitimacy was turned into a critical term of political contestation in post-1815 continental Europe, when the sovereignty of rulers (legitimacy as pri mogeniture) and the sovereignty of the people (legitimacy as self-determination) were 252\u00a0 juxtaposed as competing foundations of rightful authority, and both sides to this controversy defined the concept of legitimacy according to their respective position.12 Legitimacy today refers to an actor&#8217;s normative belief that a rule or institution must be obeyed. It is a subjective quality, relational in nature among the actor and the institution, and well-defined by the institution&#8217;s perception. The actor&#8217;s perception may come from the substance of the rule or the procedure or source by which it was constituted.13 Such a perception affects behavior because it is internalized by the actor and defines how it sees its interests. Mark C. Suchman, an organizational sociologist, defines legitimacy as &#8220;a comprehensive perception or assumption that the actions of an entity are wanted, appropriate, or suitable within some socially constructed system of norms, values, beliefs, and definitions.&#8221; 14 Legitimacy is also a social control device with long-run efficiency advantages over coercion in reducing some kinds of enforcement costs and increasing the apparent &#8220;freedom&#8221; of subordinates, although it is more expensive in the short run. Robert A. Dahl and Charles E. Lindblom observe that &#8220;legitimacy is not indispensable to all control. Nevertheless, the lack of legitimacy imposes high costs on the controllers. For legitimacy facilitates organizations&#8217; operation requiring enthusiasm, loyalty, dis cretion, decentralization, and careful judgment&#8221;.15 In international parlance, scholars tend to use the term legitimacy as if its mean ing were generally understood, and our arguments proceed as if the audience must share this understanding. Legitimacy seems to signify some crucial and reasonably discrete feature of political life, something that political actors want, that they ought to be and are eager to seek, and that the rest of us (subjects, citizens, peers) will recognize and respond to. Nevertheless, in terms of the &#8216;thing&#8217; it refers to, we find a wealth of possible legitimacies, drawing, to varying degrees, on concepts of (moral and epistemic) right, legality, custom, tradition and widespread approval.16 While legitimacy has long played an essential role in political thought, its arrival in IR literature is relatively recent. Legitimacy barely warrants a mention in E. H. Carr&#8217;s interwar classic, The Twenty Years&#8217; Crisis, nor was it particularly relevant to the balance of order and justice in Hedley Bull&#8217;s Anarchical Society. Nonetheless, the term has its place in international thought through the twentieth century, where one of its main political applications was concerning the competing claims to rule over a territory.17 Legitimacy functions as the glue that binds a rule(r) and its right and directing subjects&#8217; behavior according to what is right. However, as in Rome, legitimacy can also function as the wedge to divide the rule and the right, to overthrow and replace them with another. In the early modern period, legitimacy was used to uphold and challenge the dynastic and monarchical rule. In international relations, it serves to solidify a notion of &#8216;right&#8217; in international rule, while at the same time standing as the test in each specific case; the judgment stands as both the tool and the object of the war. Throughout history and gauging the current usages of legitimacy, we see its usefulness as a tool in the battle of ideas, a battle in which scholars have long per formed a central role.18 253<\/p><h1>Levels of Analysis Problem<\/h1><p>David Singer, in 1961, published his famous article on the topic &#8221; The Level-of-Anal- ysis Problem in International Relations,&#8221; which has become a central analytical con cept in international relations discourse. Neorealist, neoclassical realists and demo cratic peace theorists all define their theoretical approaches in terms of the analysis levels they employ. The level of analysis debate in IR began in the late 1950s when Kenneth Waltz (1959) published his classic text, Man, the State, and War. He present ed three &#8216;images&#8217; as independent variables to explain state behavior as the dependent variable, in his case, the state&#8217;s decision to go to war. The first image is the individual, in which humans&#8217; properties are examined in terms of their causal impacts on wheth er a state goes to war. The second image is the state itself, in which Waltz considers the argument that the properties of the state matters in affecting its behavior. For the third image, Waltz examines the international system (its anarchical nature) for causality in state behavior.19 However, the actual term &#8216;levels of analysis&#8217; was coined by Singer in his 1960 review of Waltz. He argues that all three levels are needed, but says the critical variable is not the system itself but how that system is perceived, evaluated, and responded to by the decision-makers.20 In other words, Singer initially suggested the individual level to be the most important. Because of the international system&#8217;s complex nature, analysts untangle the intricacies by studying international relations making from three perspectives. These include individual-level analysis-the impact of people as individuals or as a species; state-level analysis-how the organization and operation of a government affect the relations; and system-level analysis-the external realities and pressures that influence the relation of a state.21 The individual-level analysis starts with the interpretation that at the origin, it is individuals who make policy. Therefore, individual-level analysis involves under standing how the human decision-making process, (people making decisions as a species, in groups, and idiosyncratically), leads to policymaking. In international relations, the individual level analysis focuses on various factors such as cognitive, emotional, psychological, and biological factors along with the perception and per sonality of leaders, physical and mental health, ego, ambitions, political history, per sonal experience, and operational factors. The individual level of analysis focuses on the mix of rational and irrational factors.22 For all the importance of human input, policymaking is significantly influenced by the fact that it occurs within a political structure. States are the most important of these structures. By analyzing the impact of structures on policymaking, state-level analysis improves our understanding of international relations. This analysis level emphasizes the characteristics of states and how they make foreign policy choices and implement them. From this perspective, what is important is how a state&#8217;s political structure and the political forces and subnational actors within the state cause its government to adopt one foreign policy for interaction in the international realm.23 254\u00a0 States may be supposedly free to make any foreign policy choice they want, but in a practical sense, attaining a successful foreign policy necessitates that they make reasonable choices within the context of the international system&#8217;s realities. The sys tem-level analysis emphasizes on the external restraints on foreign policy. This is a &#8220;top-down&#8221; approach to world politics that examines the system&#8217;s social-econom ic-political geographic characteristics and how they influence countries and other actors&#8217; actions. We can unevenly distribute the restraints on reasonable state behavior into those connected to the system&#8217;s structural characteristic, its power relationships, its economic veracities, and its norms.24 In conclusion, the level of analysis in international relations has been divided accordingly by various theorists for the purpose of analyzing policy behavior. Among many of the typologies of levels of analysis, the three levels of analysis are mainly used. An individual-level analysis is based on the view that it is people who make policy; state-level analysis undertakes states as the most important international ac tors. World politics can be best understood by concentrating on how foreign policy is predisposed by the political structure of states, the policymaking actors within them, and the exchanges among the policy actors, and system-level analysis scrutinizes how the realities of the international system influence foreign policy.<\/p><h1>Liberal Internationalism<\/h1><p>Understanding liberalism&#8217;s prominent yet indecisive role in world politics requires, firstly, a definition of liberal internationalism. The term &#8216;liberal internationalism&#8217; is sometimes used to narrowly denote &#8216;missionary&#8217; liberal foreign policies, sometimes to indicate more broadly applying liberal principles and practices to international politics, and sometimes merely the foreign policies of liberal states.25 Conversely, all these practices have also been termed &#8216;liberal&#8217; or even, as the foreign policies of liberal states during the Cold War era, &#8216;realist&#8217;. The axiom &#8220;liberal internationalism&#8221; was hardly used in English before the 1980s. Recognized with the policy attempts of Woodrow Wilson in establishing the League of Nations after the end of First World War, it was also introduced as a reply to the international crisis throughout the Cold War and after the Vietnam War. Neverthe less, liberal internationalism, which emerged in the last decades of the nineteenth century, emphasizing cooperation between states within an overarching normative framework, developed into a growing universalism during the twentieth century and could hark back to the jus gentium tradition.26 Liberal internationalism is a composite and dynamic phenomenon: it compris es several different political, economic, and ideational principles and practices that change over time and take on different forms in various social and political contexts. The form and meaning of liberal internationalism are thus frequently in flux, and it 255\u00a0 is this multifaceted nature and historical fluidity that presents a challenge to conven tional forms of definition that aim to fix meaning in time and space.27 Liberal internationalism has been extended as one of the most effective methods to challenge international order-making in the post-1945 system. Few theorists of liberal internationalism see it as a static theory or singular historical moment, so their task is to illuminate the long-term logic and trajectories of the liberal international order. Liberal internationalism is a product of centuries of struggle over the terms of modern global order.28 G. John Ikenberry argues that liberal internationalism has faced a crisis of au thority, which however doesn&#8217;t mean the underlying logic and character of the inter national liberal order has confronted crisis.29 Beate Jahn, moreover, argues that liberal internationalism will survive, but the postwar liberal order created by the United States may not.30 Liberal internationalism is a centuries-old political project to promote individ ual freedom through private property and government by consent, which entailed political emancipation and oppression, appropriation, and expropriation since the eighteenth century. These contradictory policies constitute liberal and illiberal actors. The resulting struggles and shifting power relations led to the dynamic development of liberalism itself: from anti-democracy to democracy, from imperialism to anti-im perialism, from laissez-faire and Keynesian economics to a neo-liberal one.31 Liberal internationalism also preserves the norms of sovereignty and self-deter mination. Yet, it also has delivered the rationale for imperialism, military interven tionism, and postwar European efforts to transcend the sovereign state. Classical liberal internationalism was formally based on a bifurcated hierarchy of law, with the state&#8217;s government acting as the hinge. But liberal internationalism also entails a high degree of interdependence, making it seriously misleading to see states as au tonomous and compartmentalized units. Private economic and social relations often involve contacts with two or more states and may come within several overlapping jurisdictions.32 The worst mistake liberal internationalists have made was to rely on hegemonic ascendancy, and military intervention. Liberal internationalists have also failed to mount a serious challenge to American militarism, leaving a Cold War stan dard in funding defense and security intact, as if it were normal for one state to out spend all others, so far, on war preparations and institutionalized spying.33<\/p><h1>Light of Asia<\/h1><p>Shakyamuni Gautam Buddha, who was born in Kapilvastu, Lumbini in Nepal in 623 B.C is also widely known as light of Asia for his philosophical and spiritual contribu tion to world peace, and harmony through Buddhism, a religion prioritizing amity and reconciliation. Notably, Panchasheel (five principle of peaceful coexistence) and 256\u00a0 non-Alignment draw their ideo logical underpinnings from the teachings of Buddha, which also emphasizes on the significance of moral values, inner peace, enlight enment, meditation, wisdom, and more importantly the &#8216;way of life&#8217;. An English Poet- Edwin Ar nold wrote a poem &#8220;Light of Asia&#8221; where he has elucidated different aspects of Gautam Buddha&#8217;s char Photo Credit: Reuters acters.34 Unlike other religions, Buddhism does not acknowledge a deity.35 Rather, it emphasizes on the liberation. Traditional IR theories don&#8217;t accommodate religion as a seminal factor in the relations between the states. But, Buddha&#8217;s idea of peace can be understood from the perspective of Idealism, which is one of the sources of conventional IR theories emphasizing on cooperation and reciprocity.36 The core concepts of the international relations and diplomacy, including liberalism, interdependence, peace studies can be linked to the teachings of Buddhism.37 Buddhist political and economic philosophy, as well as its ideas regarding interstate relations, are founded on a unique view of real ity.38 Politics was essential to Buddha, not because it had inherent worth, but because it generated an outward environment that might help or hinder an individual&#8217;s quest of pleasure, which he described as spiritual growth and attainment of insight about one&#8217;s real nature and that of the world.39 The concepts of peace theory, democrat ic ideology, mixed market economy, and cosmopolitan internationalism, which are prevalent in western discourse also echo Buddha&#8217;s social teachings.40 Unlike the the ory of Realism, which emphasizes on power and dominance, Buddhism deems hu mans as rational and moral being, who is capable of getting rid of irrationalities that lead to wars and conflicts. While Gautam Buddha sees the possibility of establishing a conflict-free world through realization and discipline,41 which the predominant theories on international cooperation and global peace could borrow42 to reinforce their postulations. The principle of Panchasheel, which has been guiding principles of Nepal, India and China traces its roots to the Buddhism.43 The ideals of the five principles of peace ful coexistence find its origin in the teachings of Buddha which demands all kinds of relations( between the individuals or state or state and international organizations) be free of violence and interferences.44 Also, the concept of non-alignment in the interna tional relations is related to Buddhism, which promotes the principle of the &#8220;middle way&#8221;.45 The policy of non-alignment is motivated by Buddha&#8217;s enlightened perspective on life, acts, and attitudes.46 The middle-way or the non-alignment is a route that runs between two extremes, yet it shouldn&#8217;t be understood as an act of compromise; rather, it guides the relations between the states towards peaceful coexistence.47 257\u00a0 Nepal&#8217;s two neighbors, China and India have founded their soft power diploma cy in the Buddhist principles. The teachings associated with Buddhism was revital ized in the aftermath of the Second World War. Today, it carries a potential value in foreign policy priorities, objectives, and behaviors.48 Its resurgence has been already expanded to an internationalist outlook with an emphasis on transcending sectarian and geographical barriers. Buddhism, as a soft power instrument, is exercised by many South Asian and Southeast Asian countries in dealing with the situation of crisis, rivalries and great power competitions. It all started with a summit held in Sri Lanka, where the World Fellowship of Buddhists was established. Under Jawaharlal Nehru&#8217;s leadership, India held the International Buddhist Conference in 1952, which drew over 3,000 Buddhist nuns, monks, and historians.49 In East Asia, Japan, and South Korea, as well as a number of former USSR republics, came to realize their Buddhist roots as they recovered after the scourges of the Second World War.50 Equally, the recognition of suffering and the promotion of means to alleviate it are at the heart of Buddhism, which involves challenging our understanding and changing our behavior.51 Nepal&#8217;s welcoming attitude to refugees from different parts of the world indicate at the same. It also shows the compatibility between the teach ings of Buddhism and the provisions of International Humanitarian Law. Although Buddhism vehemently opposes violence, it offers give a great deal of wisdom to un derstand the tragedy and cruelty imposed by the battles waged during and after the Buddha&#8217;s lifetime.52 It is not difficult to establish a Buddhist viewpoint on the topic of POWs and Protection of Civilians in armed Conflicts, as well as to set the best practices for treating them humanely, compassionately, and with dignity.53 As the Light of Asia, Gautam Buddha has shed light on different facades of peace and harmony, contributing largely to the idealistic and cosmopolitan world driven by kindness and humanity, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy of world peace and contemporary priority on &#8220;amity with all and enmity with non&#8221; reverberates the significance of Bud dha&#8217;s teaching in establishing a just and rule-based world order. Nepal&#8217;s remarkable participation and achievements in UN Peace Keeping missions also indicate at its efforts in establishing a world without wars and conflicts.<\/p><h1>Loose Nukes<\/h1><p>Initially, the term was used to denote poorly guarded nuclear weapons in the former USSR, stimulating the needs of terrorists or criminals. Nowadays, experts use the word in the context of elucidating the disastrous possibility of nuclear weapons falling into the wrong hands. At times, the concept is also used to explain the raising concern over the black marketing of uranium and plutonium, and the temptation of poorly paid for mer USSR nuclear scientists and technologies to sell their skills to the highest bidder.54 The loose nuke problems are often discussed in the western world citing its threats from Putin&#8217;s Russia, Before its disintegration in 1991, the Union had 27,000 258\u00a0 Photo Credit: Russia Matters nuclear weapons and a considerable amount of weapons-grade uranium and pluto nium.55 Recent stark economic distress, extensive crime, and extensive corruption in Russia and other former USSR states have raised concerns in the West about loose nukes, underpaid nuclear scientists, and nuclear materials&#8217; smuggling.56 In the for mer USSR Republics including Belarus, Ukraine, and Kazakhstan, the Soviet Union had placed many of its nuclear warheads. Although these former Soviet Republics have acceded to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), they still have stocks of weapons-grade uranium and plutonium. Kazakhstan and Ukraine have nuclear power plants, whose byproducts cannot be used to make a nuclear bomb but might tempt terrorists to make a &#8220;dirty bomb&#8221;,57 a regular explosive laced with a lower-grade radioactive substance. Experts have also raised their concerns over Pakistan&#8217;s nuclear power with untested security systems, dozens of nuclear weapons, and terrorist or ganizations.58 There have been no confirmed reports of absent or embezzled former-Soviet nuclear weapons, but there is a sufficient indication of substantial black market in nuclear constituents. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has reported that among the hundred nuclear trafficking occurrences since 1993, eighteen of them involved remarkably enhanced uranium, the crucial component in an atomic bomb and the most hazardous invention on the nuclear black market.59 259\u00a0<\/p><h1>Marxism<\/h1><p>There is a general tendency of understanding Marxism as an economic theory, which perceives social relations as mechanically determined by economic process. This opinion is held not only by those who reject Marxism but also by the supporters of Marxism. This view has plagued the Marxist tradition since its inception; Marx and Engels themselves polemicized against such &#8220;economism&#8221; determinism.1 Marx&#8217;s theory is an evolving principle and its evolutionary trait is also its essential characteristic. First, Marxist theory is a universal and straightforward principle, which is not aimed at any particular era. Scientific interpretation fashioned by Marxism&#8217;s core principles needs to be understood in the context of the evolutionary development of those principles.2 The concept of social development in Marx&#8217;s theory is an apt exam ple, which refers to the process of historical activity in which human beings continu ously improve their ability, and relentlessly move from necessity to freedom.3 Marxism needs to be understood from the perspectives of historical material ism and dialectical materialism. First, it is important to comprehend the differences between them. Historical mate rialism is defined as the science of history or the science of social development. As a science, it aims to produce knowledge on the his tory of human societies. It does this by developing a system of an integrated aspect of reality. This gettyimage concept, in itself, is never complete but must be expanded continu ously, reformulated, and corrected LONG LIVE MARXISM-LENINISM! through application to concrete Photo Credit: Gettyimages 262\u00a0 problems.4 Historical materialism as a science has its forms of &#8220;experiment&#8221; and val idation. It is verified by examining social practices. Marx devoted most of his life to establish the foundations for science of history, most notably through his study and analysis of the capitalist mode of production.5 Dialectical materialism, on the other hand, is not a science but Marxist philoso phy. It is not science. Unlike historical materialism, its purpose is not to analyze and explain one distinct object by generating and applying a system of inter-related laws, nor can it be directly verified. However, dialectical materialism is not a philosophy in its traditional sense. Like traditional philosophy, dialectical materialism is a &#8220;world outlook&#8221; that corresponds to a particular social group, in this case, the proletariat. Like traditional philosophy, it is made up of &#8220;principles&#8221; and assumptions&#8221; about how the world operates. However, unlike traditional philosophy, the principles of Marxist philosophy are not the products of speculation, rumination, and intuition. The principles of dialectical materialism are, in contrast, based purely on the scientif ic enquiry, mainly historical science, consciously &#8220;extracted&#8221; and &#8220;generalized&#8221; from scientific practice and theory.6 In The Capital, a scientific examination of capitalism, Marx has described the extraction of surplus-value as nothing other than the exploitation of proletariats and profit of the capitalists. He also pleaded for the value of labor, which brought awareness among the proletariats to fight against exploitation. The core idea of class struggle as emphasized by Marx survives on how the society shall compulsorily be in antagonism as long as it is founded on classes.7 Thus, he appealed to the working class to bond through the trade union and fight against the bourgeois or the exploiters. Unlike utopian socialists, Marx studied and predicted social, economic, and ma terial phenomena examining their historical trends through the scientific method to draw probable outcomes and understand possible future developments. Marx and Engels stressed on the materialistic approach to understand development of human history, so the theory became popular as historical materialism.8 In Nepal, thinkers, and practitioners have had their share of developing Marx ism through communist and revolutionary ideas and movements of national and international significance. Armed struggles were waged in Peoples&#8217; War and mass movements citing the relevance of Marxism and Maoism. In 2018, the unification of two mainstream communist parties of Nepal-CPN-UML and Maoist Centre-led to the formation of a unified communist party, the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) whose ideology and guiding principle was driven by Marxism-Leninism3 until their split in 2020. But, the basic principles of Marxism now face significant challenges. It becomes necessary to keep up with the pace of social development and fully tap its value in the new era. In doing so, the basic principles of Marxism can be better applied to the present society. In the process of understanding social development globally, Marxist philosophy has played an irreplaceable role.10 Those Nepali political parties, whose 263\u00a0 political philosophy is driven by Marxism have always critiqued the role of external actors in Nepali political spectrum. They have demanded a balanced relation with both the neighbors, strongly advocating for the revision of the 1950 treaty of Peace and Friendship with India. To fulfill the same objective of amending the 1950 treaty, Eminent Persons&#8217; Group (EPG) was constituted in 2016 including the experts from both the countries. Although the report is said to have recommended revising the treaty, Indian Prime Minister Modi hasn&#8217;t still received it, because of which an uncer tainty has loomed large over the fate of the treaty. Terminating Gurkha recruitments in Indian army has always remained a top priority for the Nepali Marxists. They have also been vocal critique of imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, apartheid, and the negative impacts of globalization.<\/p><h1>Mercantilism<\/h1><p>The history of mercantilism presents shifting viewpoints on economic thought. As such, Mercantilism appears to be one of the most challenging concepts in under standing the history of economic and political thought. Today&#8217;s standard view is that mercantilism was &#8216;an irrational social order&#8217;, which emanated from the oversight of confusing gold with wealth.11 The roots of the so-called political interpretation of mercantilism are usually cred ited to Cunningham and Schmoller. However, the dominant system of economic thought prevailed in Europe from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. In England, it was associated with the commercial system or mercantile system as it stressed the im portance of commerce and free trade. Mercantilism was also known also as a &#8220;restrictive system&#8221; because its policies in practice consisted of numerous restrictions and regula tions on commerce, whereas in France, it was known as &#8220;Colbertism&#8221; after Jean-Bap tiste Colbert, the Controller-General of Finances under Louis XIV of France.12 The central aim of mercantilism was to make the state economically strong. Mer cantilism stands in contrast to the free trade theory, which argues that economic well being of states can be best improved by reducing tariffs and promoting free trade.13 Mercantilism involves restrictions on imports, which further involves tariffs barriers, quotas or non-tariff barriers, and comprises accumulation of foreign currency re serves along with gold and silver reserves, authorizing state monopolies to specific firms, especially those related to trade and shipping, subsidies of export industries to give a competitive advantage in international markets, government investment in research and development to capitalize on the efficacy and capability of domestic industry, permitting copyright\/intellectual theft from foreign companies, and regu lating wages and consumption of working classes to enable greater profits to stay with the merchant class and control colonies.14 In a strategic trade theory structure, scholars developed a mercantilism model arguing that it is profitable for a state to employ export subsidies. Advocates of mer 264\u00a0 cantilism also offer a dynamic mercantilism model according to the interpretations and show that enduring increase in the mercantilist sentimentalities or import tariffs leads to more foreign asset holdings and total consumption in the long run.15 Some investigate mercantilism in the public finance perspective and argue that by establish ing monopolies and taxing households through monopolies, governments are likely to close the economy to new ideas, technologies, and business organizations and harm economic growth. Recently, many empirical research studies relate high level of reserves hoarding and global imbalance to outward mercantilism through emerging market economies.16 In contrast, several scholars have criticized mercantilist theories and practices. The opposition started toward the end of the seventeenth century. In his 1776 pub lication of The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith argued that foreign trade strengthens economic capabilities of the countries. Although mercantilism was weakened in the late eighteenth century, free trade had not yet developed. Following the debate over mercantilism and free trade in the wake of the twentieth century, fascism and total itarianism accepted mercantilism in the 1930s and 1940s.17 After the Second World War, the USSR and China continued to encourage a form of mercantilism. The main dissimilarity was that most of their businesses were state-owned, which made them more mercantilist. Still, mercantilism, as an economic policy lacked universal application. As a body of doctrine, it could not provide proper guidance to the politicians. They disorga nized the means and ends by overstating the importance of gold and silver. As a macro-economic policy, mercantilism laid the groundwork for today&#8217;s nationalism and protectionism. Because, states felt that they lost their conventional power and traditional sovereign authority because of globalism and interdependence triggered by free trade. The global financial crisis of 2009-2010 intensified a propensity toward mercantilism in the capitalist states. 18<\/p><h1>Mercenary<\/h1><p>The word &#8216;mercenary&#8217; is derived from the Latin term mercenarius, meaning wages or reward. In plain terms, mercenaries are the troops by their employers to fight and are feature of war from the early days of history. But it is not always easy, practically, or conceptually, to distinguish mercenaries from brigands, pirates, and the like, who use their skills with coercive force and &#8216;regular&#8217; troops. Three criteria help identify mercenaries and distinguish them from regular forces: financial reward, affiliation, and integration. They played a significant role in the history of warfare, starting from the late 5th century BCE when wars dominated Europe to the 18th century, and have again re-emerged as a force in the recent centuries. Mercenaries also reappeared during the decolonization process of Africa in the 1960s. Mercenaries fought in vari 265\u00a0 ous theaters of conflicts: they helped the province of Katanga in its attempt to secede from the Congo in 1960; fought against the republicans in Yemen in 1964; aided the Biafran rebels in Nigeria in 1967; fought in Angola in 1975-76; and overthrew the President of Comoros in 1975 and 1978.19 The two primary international instruments concerned with the regulation of mercenaries, and on which the discussion of the following paragraphs concentrate, are Protocol I of 1977 to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC 2010c) and the 1989 Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries (&#8216;The Convention on Mercenaries&#8217;). Protocol I specifies that &#8216;A mercenary shall not have the right to be a combatant or a prisoner of war&#8217; and provides what has become the accepted legal definition of a mercenary. The Protocol is concerned with international conflict. The Convention on Mercenaries incorporates and widens the Protocol definition, adding a non-inter national element to the mercenary status.20 According to the International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries, a mercenary is defined as any person: \u00b7 who is specially recruited locally or abroad in order to fight in an armed con flict; motivated to take part in the hostilities essentially by the want for pri vate gain and is assured, by or on behalf of a party to the conflict, material compensation substantially more than that assured or paid to combatants of parallel rank and functions in the armed forces of that party; \u00b7 neither a national of a party to the conflict nor a resident of territory con trolled by a party to the conflict; not a member of the armed forces of a party to the conflict; and . has not been sent by a State which is not a party to the conflict on official duty as a member of its armed forces.21 The convention elaborated on the mercenary as a person intended to conquer a government or otherwise destabilize the constitutional order of a State; or undermine the territorial integrity of a State. A mercenary is neither a national nor a resident of the state against which such an act is directed; is not sent by a State on official duty; and is not a member of the state&#8217;s armed forces on whose territory the act is undertaken.22 The hostility to mercenaries expressed in the instruments and several associated UN resolutions Photo Credit: esquire 266\u00a0 and reports springs from the belief that mercenary forces tend to subvert nation al self-determination rights. Fears of such subversion were exacerbated by unsavory mercenary involvement in the armed struggles during and following decolonization. Despite the long-standing use of mercenary soldiers, much on the discussion of mer cenarism, up to the present, is colored by the view that mercenary soldiers are morally tainted in a way that is not true of regular troops.23 With the emergence of private military companies, the focus of the debate has now shifted. But the proposition to ban those companies ultimately appears unre alistic. The working cluster on mercenaries&#8217; use to violate human rights and impede exercise of peoples&#8217; rights to self-determination, and leading States instead favors a comprehensive regulation that must ensure control by States and accountability. A step towards such regulation is the (non-binding) Montreux Document developed in 2008 on the Swiss government&#8217;s initiative and the ICRC with governmental ex perts from the states such as Afghanistan, China, France, Germany, South Africa, the UK, and the US. An effective strategy against mercenaries must focus on preventing recruitment of, aid to, and sending out to other states mercenaries, requiring states to take efficient action against recruitment of mercenaries on their territory and pre venting their citizens from leaving the territory to serve as mercenaries abroad.24 no In the contemporary times, people of different nationalities have been recruit ed by the countries as soldiers to serve at different fronts. Nepali soldiers\/Gurkhas fought two big wars (World War I and II) standing on the British side and are re nowned for their courage and bravery. The Nepali nationals are recruited by the United Kingdom, India, Singapore, and Brunei for security purpose. The recruit ment of Nepali youth in the British Army can be traced back to the Tripartite Agree ment between India, the UK and Nepal in 1947. Although the Gurkhas have been generally considered mercenaries, the agreement states that &#8220;[ &#8230; ] Gurkhas are fully integrated into the Army to which they are recruited and under no circumstances are they to be considered mercenaries.&#8221; 25 Similarly, Protocol 1 of 1977 (not yet ratified by the United Kingdom) additional to the 1949 Geneva Conventions contains the only internationally agreed definition of a &#8216;mercenary&#8217;. It excludes anyone who &#8220;is a member of the armed forces of a party to the conflict&#8221;, thereby making Gurkhas regular soldiers in the British and Indian Armies26 and not mercenaries. Southern Common Market<\/p><h1>Mercado Com\u00fan del Sur<\/h1><p>To promote regionalism in Latin America, various efforts have been made, including the ways to form accessible trade areas at the sub-regional level. One of the most noteworthy initiatives has been to form the Mercado Com\u00fan del Sur, or The South ern Common Market (MERCOSUR) by Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay in 1991 through the Treaty of Asunci\u00f3n. The origin of MERCOSUR goes back to 267\u00a0 July 1986 agreement between Argentina and Brazil that established the Economic Integration and Cooperation Program (PICE).27 One characteristic feature of reducing and eliminating trade barriers amongst the MERCOSUR states is the coincidence of this process with the latter stages of unilat eral trade policy reforms initiated earlier in each state. These led to lowered import tariffs, condensed dispersion of rates, and scrapping of most of the non-tariff barriers for imports from third states.28 The standard external tariff (CET) accepted in 1995 by MERCOSUR implies overall tariff reduction compared to those existing in the member states in the 1980s. In 1999, eight years after MERCOSUR&#8217;s creation, the regional integration project was seen as extraordinarily successful. The years between 1991 and 1999 are often described as MERCOSUR&#8217;s golden years. From 1991 to 1999, the total world trade rose from 11% to nearly 20% when MERCOSUR was the fourth largest economic union in the world.29 In the post-1999 era, government leaders highlighted the will to assimilate. The diplomatic statements, however, were not implemented into action, and integration stalled. MERCOSUR&#8217;s endeavors for regional integration in the 2000s were under stood as mere &#8220;ceremonial regionalism,&#8221; &#8220;token integration,&#8221; and &#8220;integration fic tion&#8221;.30 Stagnation and the decline of integration are most visible in MERCOSUR&#8217;s economic sector in contemporary times.31 MERCOSUR&#8217;s achievements and failures have been very diverse for about 30 years, ranging from a successful regional bloc to a failing project. Despite an absence of initial interdependence between the member countries, its formation can be un derstood as a successful attempt. In the 1990s, Brazil&#8217;s weak economy and desire to strengthen democracy nationally and in the region reinvigorated the construc tion and development of MERCOSUR. As the economy enhanced and democracy strengthened, Brazil shifted its focus to international markets, which presented more promising economic and political gains for its economy. Readiness to lead, however, diminished as Brazil became economically more prosperous, and integration stag nated. Brazil&#8217;s shift to international markets and its cultivating economy triggered tensions and augmented asymmetries within the regional bloc.32 In conclusion, two features best elucidate MERCOSUR&#8217;s regional integration: the state-led nature of the integration process as highlighted by inter-presidentialism and the prominence of supply-side conditions. For MERCOSUR to continue ex panding its integration, revitalization of Brazil&#8217;s readiness and aptitude, or another uncontested leader, is prerequisite to offer a productive regional leadership.33<\/p><h1>Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC)<\/h1><p>Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) is an independently functioning US government aid agency to support developing countries in reducing poverty by en 268\u00a0 hancing sustainable economic development through an evidence-based approach.34 This agency was established in the January of 2004 by the US Congress with strong bipartisan support during the Bush Presidency.35 A set of core principles drives MCC in enhancing economic development, attaining good governance, and promoting transparency.36 It was established to overcome the shortcomings of the other aid pro grams. The MCC supports the low-income countries identified by the World Bank using the objective indicators addressing the partner country&#8217;s priorities.37 The MCC consists of a Board of Directors with five ex officio members and four private sector members.38 The Secretary of State (as Chair), the Secretary of the Trea sury, the United States Trade Representative, the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, and the CEO of the MCC are the ex officio members. Two members of the private sector are nominated by the majority and mi nority leaders of the Senate, and two are nominated by the majority and minority lead ers of the House.39 The Board of Directors is responsible for determining any country&#8217;s eligibility to receive the aid.40 The performance of scorecard indicators, the potential to eliminate poverty and produce economic growth, and the availability of finances are considered by the Board. The indicators through which the Board selects the eligible countries are Access to Credit, Business Start-up, Child Health, Civil Liberties, Con trol of Corruption, Fiscal Policy, Gender in Economy, Freedom of Information, Girls Primary Education Completion Rate, Girls&#8217; Secondary Education Enrolment Ratio, Government Effectiveness, Health Expenditures, Immunization Rates, Inflation, Land Rights and Access, Natural Resource Protection, Political Rights, Primary Education Expenditures, Regulatory Quality, Rule of Law, and Trade Policy.41 There are three types of the grant provided by the MCC. They are Compact, Threshold Program, and Concurrent Compacts for Regional Investments.42 The de veloping countries who have been selected by the MCC for their sustainable eco nomic development are Albania, Armenia, Belize, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, C\u00f4te d&#8217;Ivoire, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Georgia, Ghana, Guatemala, Guyana, Hondu ras, Indonesia, Jordan, Kenya, Kiribati, Kosovo, Kyrgyz Republic, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Moldova, Mongolia, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Nepal, Nicaragua, Niger, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Rwanda, S\u00e3o Tom\u00e9 and Prin cipe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Tanzania, Gambia, Timor Leste, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Ukraine, Vanuatu, and Zambia,43 Among the countries selected by the MCC for their support, 51 MCC grants have been completed and closed, 2 are on the verge of closure, 12 are in the devel opment stage, 2 are discontinued (by Ethiopia and Sri Lanka), 10 are being imple mented, 3 have signed the MCC grant (Burkina Faso, Nepal, and Solomon Islands), 1 suspended, and 2 terminated.44 This US assistance is based on comprehensive Cost-benefit and beneficiary analysis and constraints-to-growth analysis.45 Accountability and transparency are the main pillars of the MCC, and monitoring and evaluation are equally essential 269\u00a0 components.46 MCC&#8217;s evaluation process includes a commitment to accountability learning, openness, and evidence-based decision-making. MCC stands out in the international development community for its dedication to objectively analyze every project and publicizing the results.47 Nepal ratified the MCC Nepal Compact on 27 February 2022 with a 12-point interpretive declaration. Through this compact, Nepal receives USD 500 million for constructing the electricity transmission lines and maintenance or repairing the roads. 48 The MCC Nepal compact is optimistic that the electricity trade by Nepal could support the economic growth of the country in a sustainable manner by en hancing connectivity and producing more energy.49 While the USD 398.2 million has been allocated for the electricity transmission project, USD 52.3 million has been allocated for road maintenance project, and USD 40 million and 9.5 million for program administration and monitoring and evaluation, respectively.50 The Electricity Transmission Project aims to enhance cross-border electricity trade and domestic electricity consumption. This included building 300 KM of high voltage lines (Lapsiphedi-Galchhi-Damauli-Sunawal corridor), three substations, technical assistance, and increasing the productive electricity use in Nepal.51 Simi larly, realizing the challenge of the poor road situation as the constraints of develop ment, the goal of the Road Maintenance Project is to maintain road infrastructure quality across Nepal&#8217;s critical road network (alignment of Mechi, Koshi, Sagarmatha, Tribhuvan Highway, and East-West Highway), preventing further deterioration. The project will be implemented by MCA-Nepal (a Government of Nepal-owned Devel opment Board), with MCC monitoring and support.52 The Board of Directors of MCC selected Nepal to develop a threshold program in 2011.53 The MCC and Nepal jointly conducted a diagnostic study in 2013-2014 and identified energy and transport as significant constraints for Nepal&#8217;s growth.54 MCC opened its office in 2015 and conducted feasibility studies in 2016-2017 for identifying the projects.55 The negotiations were done in Washington DC between representatives of Nepal and MCC. On 14 September 2017, the MCC between USA and Nepal was signed by Minister of Finance Gyanendra Bahadur Karki and acting CEO Jonathan Nash.56 Millennium Challenge Account-Nepal (MCA-N) has been established by the Government of Nepal to implement the MCC project.57 It has been also proposed to form a steering committee for the full responsibility of MCA-Nepal&#8217;s inspection, direction and decisions and full implementation of the agreement.58 In the 9-member Board of directors of MCA-N, seven members shall have voting rights. The officers on the Board of Directors shall include Secretary-Ministry of Finance, Joint Secre tary-Ministry of Energy, Joint Secretary-Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Trans port, Executive Director MCA-Nepal, Managing Director-Nepal Electricity Authority, a representative of the civil society, and a representative of the private sector.59 MCC project in Nepal faced huge debates until it got the parliamentary approval. The debates were mostly concentrated on the issue of aid conditionality, aid depen 270\u00a0 dency and geopolitical vulnerabilities. While the MCC was debated as a component of the Indo-Pacific strategy in Nepal, the likely consequences of entering military alli ance with the USA through MCC, polarized Nepali society and political spectrum.60 Nepali geopolitical analysts argued by associating MCC with the repercussions of the probable geopolitical frictions between China and the USA or Beijing-led BRI and Washington-led Indo-Pacific Strategy.61 Although MCC clarified the questions raised by Nepali leaders and Finance Ministry of Nepal stating that there is no link age between MCC and the Indo-Pacific Strategy, skepticism still persists over some of the provisions of the Compact62 and particularly on the issues related to taxation, auditing, intellectual property, supremacy of the laws.63 The evolution of MCC de bate in Nepal can be chronologically understood with the help of following timeline: \u00b7 14 September 2017: Ministry of Finance and MCC signed the agreement \u00b7 28 December 2018: Ministry of Finance asked legal advice to Ministry of Law, Justice, and Parliamentary Affairs \u00b7 10 January 2019: Secretary-level decision was made for ratifying the agree ment with a simple majority of the parliament \u00b7 8 February 2019: The Council of Ministers decided to present the agreement in the parliament \u00b7 15 July 2019: Ministry of Finance registered the agreement in the Federal Parliament&#8217;s Parliamentary Bill Section \u00b7 2 February 2020: A Task Group was formed on the leadership of Jhalanath Khanal by NCP \u00b7 21 February 2020: Report by presented by the Task Force Led by Jhalanath Khanal for ratification of the agreement only after modification in the Com pact \u00b7 29 June 2020: Ministry of Finance notified MCC about the delay in the rati fication process because of COVID-19 \u00b7 26 June 2021: US Secretary of State Antony Blinken telephoned Prime Min ister Sher Bahadur Deuba about the MCC \u00b7 3 September 2021: Ministry of Finance asked MCC Secretariat 11 questions seeking clarification \u00b7 9-12 September 2021: MCC Vice President Fatimah Sumar visited Nepal and met with leaders of political parties \u00b7 29 September 2021: Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and the Chair person of NCP-Maoist (Centre) Pushpa Kamal Dahal pledged to ratify the agreement within five months \u00b7 29 October 2021: MCC Secretariat dispatched a notice \u00b7 3 November 2021: Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and Deputy CEO Alexia Latortue met in Glasgow \u00b7 17-20 November 2021: Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central 271\u00a0 Asian Affairs Donald Lu discussed Nepal and MCC . 19 December: A Four-Party Parliamentary Task Force was formed led by Jhalanath Khanal was formed to study the agreement (but the Task Force could not function) . 3 February 2022: MCC Secretariat replied to the letter sent by Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and Pushpa Kamal Dahal on 29 September 2021 \u00b7 10 February 2022: Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu had separate telephone calls with Prime Minister Sher Ba hadur Deuba, Chairperson of NCP-Maoist (Centre) Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and Chairperson of CPN-UML K.P. Sharma Oli . 20 February 2022: the agreement was tabled in the Federal Parliament \u00b7 27 February 2022: The MCC Nepal Compact was ratified by the parliament.64<\/p><h1>Misperception<\/h1><p>In trying to perceive the world as it is, decision makers may still fall prey to misper- ceptions. Thus, the implication of misperception in international politics is com monly accepted. Whether as a principal determinant or a residual, misperception has been associated with wars (comprising both world wars and the Cold War), conflict, geopolitical tensions, distrust, and hostilities.65 Its importance has also been high lighted by general work on the role of cognitive progressions and examination of de cision-making in foreign policy analysis. However, a theory of misperception remains to be articulated. The most definitive work on the subject, by Robert Jervis, presents a classification of misperception types and delivers illustrations for each.66 The importance of misperception becomes apparent when an actor in interna tional relations indicates a course of action based on its supposed effect on others. Further, misperception may also find a place in relations between interdependent states. If states are independent of one another in the sense that one actor&#8217;s decisions do not affect another actor&#8217;s payoffs, then misperception becomes irrelevant.67 But it is hardly possible in today&#8217;s globalized world. Misperception essentially suggests that international politics is a variable-sum game. In any constant-sum game, an actor can regulate another&#8217;s preference ordering by recognizing the game as constant-sum and knowing its preference,68 Misperception may well be a mutual occurrence in international relations and may often affect an actor&#8217;s expectation of the probable outcome. However, a supposi tion that misperception affects an actor&#8217;s choice and thus changes a game&#8217;s outcomes does not always hold, for an actor&#8217;s course of action only sometimes depends on the actor&#8217;s correct assessment of the other actor&#8217;s intentions. In other words, mispercep tion is often irrelevant to the cause and acceleration of crisis and war.69 Analysis of misperception proposes several conclusions. First, misperception can affect an actor&#8217;s choice only when that actor&#8217;s decision is contingent on the other 272\u00a0 actor&#8217;s behavior: misperception is inappropriate for an actor with a dominant strat egy. Second, even though misperception may affect an actor&#8217;s choice, it need not Photograph necessarily lead to an undesired war; it can also facilitate cooperation and prevent conflict.70 Misperception can cause conflict only if the misperceived actor has either a central strategy of defection or a contingent strategy of reciprocity. Third, in the cases, where misperception can cause conflict, the misperceived actor has no desire to Asian mask his valid preferences.71 When one actor wishes to hide its valid preferences, such is Ba a positive deception simplifies coordination and conflict avoidance. Jahal Nepal-India relations is not free of misperceptions. Reports of China&#8217;s increased presence in Nepal, politically or economically, has put India&#8217;s position into dilemma. Also, the increasing problems between Nepal and India in the Himalayan borders but have made New Delhi perceive that Nepal is getting closer to China while India is already losing its sway on Nepal. The transit agreement that Nepal signed with China in 2016 and 2018 was the upshot of the search for alternative induced by the 2015 economic blockade. China&#8217;s investment has already overtaken India&#8217;s role as the largest investor in Nepal. But, India&#8217;s misperception of Nepal-China ties is a consequence of the miscalculation of Nepal&#8217;s preferences which has led to a biased Hope decision-making in India towards Nepal. Such a misperception should be instantly avoided through constant diplomatic engagement. 1 has Although Eminent Persons&#8217; Group (EPG), a panel of experts from both the sides fict were constituted in 2016, to study the gamut of Nepal-India relations and offer igh policy options to the leadership from both the countries, as an attempt to eliminate F de all kinds of misperceptions, Indian Prime Minister Modi hasn&#8217;t received the report Wools prepared by EPG creating further misperception over India&#8217;s intentions. ents but<\/p><h1>Multilateralism<\/h1><p>dent Robert O. Keohane defined multilateralism as coordinating national policies in lons groups of three or more states, through ad hoc arrangements or by devising insti tutions.72 As the Cold War ended, Keohane argued that multilateralism developed a that momentum of its own. It thus involves states and often institutions, defined as &#8216;per sistent and connected sets of rules, and formal and informal, that prescribe You Tube twitter mason OF amazon.com m behavioral roles, constrain activity, Broadcast Yourself And and shape expectations&#8217;.73 Nikon Google Unilever DSy. In multilateralism, first, three Coca Cola Do faceboo SAMSUNG or more states engage in multilat MasterCard M the eral cooperation when relations be D YAHOO! H tween them are based on principles that identify &#8216;appropriate conduct Photo Credit: Assignment Point her 273\u00a0 for a class of actions, without regard to the parties&#8217; particularistic interests. Cooper ation is governed by &#8216;norms exhorting general if not universal modes of relations to other states. Second, multilateralism is based on a specific social construction: indi visibility.74 It can take various forms, but in all cases, it constitutes &#8216;the scope (both geographic and functional) over which costs and benefits are spread&#8217; when actions are taken that affect the collectivity. Third, members of a collective group expect &#8216;a rough equivalence of benefits in the aggregate and over time&#8217;.75 Multilateral agreements have sprung up through history to manage relations be tween states in areas where interdependence is inescapable. The nineteenth-century multilateralism was spurred by the political, social, and economic transformations generated by the industrial revolution. Most multilateral agreements in the nine teenth-century did not spawn formal organizations.76 The most important, among them, the Concert of Europe, was an almost purely informal framework in which four European powers- Austria, Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia (later joined by France) were members. The Concert never became a genuinely multilateral organiza tion. However, it paved the way for twentieth-century multilateralism by establishing that peace and security issues could be addressed in international settings and identi fied the unique roles, rights, and obligations of the Great Powers.77 US President Woodrow Wilson&#8217;s &#8220;Fourteen Points&#8221; presented to the US Con gress in January 1918 urged the creation of a general association of nations. Wilso nianism thus became a doctrine that prescribed the spread of democracy, free trade, and solid international law to create an international order that led to the establish ment of the League of Nations. This League, in the form of multilateral organization, prescribed the way for international institution-building.78 After the Second World War, multilateral accords created multilateral organization such as the Bretton Wood agreements and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the United Nations (UN), and NATO. After the end of the Cold War, &#8216;robust multilateralism&#8217; was embraced, and the complex division of labor between multiple international organizations emerged. In other areas, including arms control, environmental affairs and human issues, multilateralism emerged after the Cold War.79 Institutionalists assume that the goal of multilateralism is to solve shared prob lems, &#8216;an ideology &#8220;designed&#8221; to promote multilateral activity&#8217;.80 Neo-functionalists would go even further in viewing multilateralism as inherently normative. Critical or dependency theorists reject any suggestion that multilateralism promotes interna tional harmony. Its purpose is to exploit the weak. Neorealism emphasizes the weak ness of international institutions and the fragility of cooperation, stressing that &#8216;in a condition of anarchy [ &#8230; ] relative gain is more important than absolute gain,&#8217; or at least that states consistently seek to minimize gaps in gains favoring their partners.81 Nepal holds that there is no substitute to multilateralism in securing peace, secu rity and order in the world and supports the idea of a fair and reasonable internation al order in which all the states irrespective of population, size, influence, and location achieve their international obligations in good faith and enjoy equal opportunity to achieve their objectives for development and prosperity,82 274\u00a0 Nepal&#8217;s pledge to multilateralism is full-fledged.83 Nepal has lived up to the pledg es made in multilateral forums by implementing them into action. Such engagements have improved the state&#8217;s reliability in the international arena. Nepal confirms its commitment towards multilateralism through the United Nations and participation in the United Nations&#8217; bodies and agencies. As a member and party to several UN agency and parties to the international treaties and conventions. Nepal has played an influential part in multilateral forums for world peace, disarmament, protection and promotion of human rights, sustainable development objectives, mitigation of climate change influences, monitoring pandemics, terrorism and cybercrime, safer migration; and the rights of landlocked countries.84 Nepal&#8217;s integrated Foreign Policy of 2020 has explicitly focused on the principles of multilateralism recognizing the changing nature of the international politics. One of the pillars of Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy is multilateralism.85 Adhering to the multi dimensional nature of Nepal&#8217;s national interest and international engagement, the concept of multilateralism is a foundational basis. The vision, goals, objectives, plans, and policies of Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy are based on its multilateral commitments.86<\/p><h1>MNCs<\/h1><p>Development and economic progression have transnationalized human life. The ex- pansion of multinational corporations(MNCs) in the second half of the twentieth cen tury can be considered as one of the most significant economic transformations in the global framework. They overcome the boundaries of national states and are increasingly being transformed into a dominant force that enhances global interrelatedness.87 Factors driving multinational companies include: concentration and centraliza tion of capital and increased participation of technical and technological factors; sci entific and technical development, advancement in communication and information technology; the laws of the market efficiency and unequal level of economic develop ment and manufacturing power in the world. Multinational corporations, as a higher form of centralization of capital on an international level, brought international ization of capital in global proportions, encouraged the spirit of global integration between the states and the globalization of world economy, which also represents the inauguration of new world order. 88 A multinational corporation is a business firm whose undertakings are spread in more than two states and is a system that operates through foreign direct invest ment. Multinational companies may vary in their activities in terms of the number of states they operate. The economic definition emphasizes owners and their manage rial agents&#8217; ability to control operations in foreign states. The evolution of MNCs is associated with twin factors: uneven geographical distribution of factor endowments and market failure.89 275\u00a0 There are several theories to understand the factors that have contributed to the enormous expansion of the MNC activity.90 Changes in technology and orga nizational sophistication created the possibility of expansion. Development of new communications technologies, cheaper and more reliable transportation networks, and innovative management and organization techniques have made integration and flexibility the hallmarks of the successful MNC. The progressive elimination of re straints on capital flows made the expansion of direct investment possible.91 Since the multinational corporation is definitional equivalent to foreign direct investment, foreign direct investment theories must account for why one state invests in another and why it is carried out within a firm&#8217;s organizational boundaries.92 The main point is that direct investment is the firm&#8217;s key factor in growth across borders, but the firm enlarges internationally on what it has learned at home. The second is that firms that expand abroad, because they have competitive assets, are also likely to be larger in size and functions as oligopolistic industries. Furthermore, multinational corporations are deemed as the vehicles for foreign policies of their home. As such, the activities of multinational corporations are perceived as a threat to national sov ereignty in the developing countries.93 Multinational corporations are seen as disproportionately big and powerful with dramatic increase in size and power. MNCs&#8217; current position is a result of develop ment over several centuries; however, the corporations have attained most of their current power during the last decades in economic liberalization and growing global ization. Regarding territory, the process of MNCs&#8217; expansion is characterized by the need for space.94<\/p><h1>MAD<\/h1><p>Abbreviated as MAD, the policy of Mutual Assured Destruction is a military ap- proach and national security policy, in which a full-sized use of high-yield weapons of mass destruction by two opposite sides would result into a complete, absolute, and irreversible annihilation of both the attacker and the defender.95 Therefore, it becomes a war that brings a no-win situation and without armistice, but only actual reciprocal destruction. It is founded on the theory of deterrence, allowing which the deployment and usage of potent weapons, are indispensable to threaten the enemy or avert its use by the opposition. It results into a state of Nash equilibrium in which neither side, once armed, has any incentive to disarm that the other. The term MAD was not devised by the military strategists but by President Dwight D. Eisenhower&#8217;s Secretary of State John Foster Dulles.96 The principle of Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) implies that each side has sufficient nuclear weaponry to terminate the other side; and that either side, if at tacked for any motive by the other, would strike back with equal or greater force. The 27\u20ac\u00a0 projected outcome is a rapid, irretrievable intensification of hostilities resulting in both combatants&#8217; mutual, total, and assured destruction. The principle further means that neither side will launch a first strike because of the probability of the adversary launching second strike and extinguishing both parties.97 This doctrine was applied first during the Cold War, when MAD was reckoned as serving to avert any direct full-sized conflicts between the USA and the USSR while they engaged in minor proxy wars around the globe. It was also responsible for the arms race, as both states struggled to keep nuclear parity and preserve sec ond-strike competency. Though the Cold War ended in the early 1990s, Mutual Assured Destruction&#8217;s principle continues to be in force.98 Advocates of MAD as part of the US and USSR strategic principle assumed that nuclear war could best be prevented if neither side could be assumed to survive a full-scale nuclear exchange as a functioning state. This MAD situation is often mentioned as nuclear deterrence. The word deterrence was primarily used in this setting after World War II; before that time, its use was limited to legal terminology.99 The multiple independently targetable re-entry vehicle (MIRV) was an addi tional arms system explicitly intended to support the MAD nuclear deterrence prin ciple. With a MIRV payload, one ICBM could embrace many special warheads.100 According to US Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, nuclear nations in MAD context, either had a first strike or second-strike capability. A nation with first strike capability would terminate the entire nuclear arsenal of another state and avert any nuclear retaliation. Second strike capability meant that a state could support a prom ise to reply to a nuclear attack with sufficient force to make such a first attack highly objectionable.101 Therefore, Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) was thus adopted by arms controllers to oppose the deployment of specific weapons.102 China-India relations in the context of MAD indicate that despite of the disputes over the Himalayas, strategic competition in South Asia trade relations and economic engagements between the two countries prevent the possibility of, nuclear warfare between the two.103 It offers both the states a prospect to address bilateral issues with out fear of nuclear escalation. It has not only contributed to conflictual-cooperative bilateral relations, but has also helped to stabilize peace in the South Asian region.104 Such a situation has also benefitted other states in the region, particularly Ne pal, geo-strategically situated between the two nuclear states.105 Nepal internationally supports nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament an approach that has helped the strategically located Nepal to raise its voice in the international platform.106 277\u00a0<\/p><h1>Nation-State<\/h1><p>Describing the term &#8220;nation-state&#8221; is problematical, since in modern English prac- tice, the words &#8220;nation&#8221; and &#8220;state&#8221; are used interchangeably. The nation-state is a kind of politico-military concept with the following features: 1. It has a discrete geographically well-defined territory over which it administers authority; 1 2. It has sovereignty over its territory, which means that its authority is supposedly limited external intrusion by other nation-states; 2 3. It has a government made up of public offices that regulate and manage the terri tory and population subject to the state&#8217;s authority; 3 4. It has fixed boundaries marked on the ground by entry and exit points and, in some cases, by barriers watched by border guards and armies; 4 5. It&#8217;s government exercises control on the authoritative use of physical pressure over its population; 6. Its population holds a certain national identity; and, 7. It functions based on the compliance and faithfulness of its populations.5 A nation-state is a state whose primary devotion is to a cultural self-identity, which we call a nation or nationality, and is currently the primary form of state organization. Nation-states own sovereignty and legitimacy. The nation-state was once represented a specific nationality. Until the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, nation-states had governments ruled by rulers whose authority did not originate from the people they ruled.6 The evolution of nation-state involved the process of delegating legitimacy from a ruler not answerable to those he ruled to the one accountable to the nation.7 The nation-state evolved in three stages. The first stage was the progress of na tionality within a defined pre-national state.8 The second stage was the transmission of legitimacy from the ruler to the nation, by some form of rebellion.9 Finally, the third stage was the manifestation of that legitimacy by a legal procedure called a constitution, under which the government can be selected and removed, its powers 281\u00a0 can be discussed and accepted, and both the governmental and non-governmental processes are subject to law.10 Nation-states first developed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the states on the western side of Europe with five motives. First, the barbarian states which succeeded the Western Roman Empire from 407 CE with the Catholic Church and Latin language as cultural institutions was an adequate setting for viable states.11 Secondly, the Holy Roman Empire was destabilized by disputes with the Catholic Papacy, to the degree that it was too feeble to interfere with the states to the west of it, but resilient enough to protect them from the states to the east of it.12 Thirdly, the West European states, reliant on low-productivity agriculture, advanced from the wealth of city-states in Holy Roman Empire, which were engaged in long-distance trade. Fourthly, the long-lived presiding reigns in these states delivered adequately steady and operational government, administrated using vernacular languages and accomplishing political and\/or religious independence of the Papacy.13 Fifthly, the same states were also engaged in long distance trading endeavors.14 When nation-states later enhanced their national prosperity by engaging in more extensive trade, they also aspired to acquire trading outposts. Although at the start of the twentieth century the world&#8217;s wealthiest states were nation-states, they were limit ed in quantity and the bulk of the world&#8217;s population were subject to empires, either territorial or trading, the great majority of which have now become nation-states.15<\/p><h1>National Interest<\/h1><p>The orientation of a state&#8217;s foreign policy is based on the concept of national inter- est. The term signifies the basic guideline of all actions that a state undertakes in its external policy. Yet, contrary to its frequent use, it is not a very clearly defined con cept. Generally, it expresses the aspirations, which need to be operationalized, to be applicable-taking into consideration the valences attributed to it by political forces, according to their interests. The history of national interest dates to the times when the modern state system&#8217;s evolution commenced. It remained an essential element in describing the underlying rationale for states and politicians&#8217; behavior in a threaten ing international environment. A national interest &#8211; says Samuel Huntington &#8211; is a public good that concerns everyone, or most citizens; a vital national interest is that interest for which they are willing to shed their blood and spend their wealth to defend it. National interests usually combine security with material concerns, on the one hand, and moral and ethical concerns, on the other.16 Hans J. Morgenthau defined national interest as &#8220;the survival of a political unit [ &#8230; ] in its identity&#8221; as the minimum of a state&#8217;s interest vis a-vis other units, encompassing in this the integrity of a state&#8217;s territory, its political institutions, and its culture.17 282\u00a0 In a democracy, national interest is merely the set of mutual priorities concerning relations with the rest of the world. It is more comprehensive than strategic interests; nevertheless, they are part of it. It can comprise values such as human rights and de mocracy; if the public feels that those values are crucial to its identity, it is willing to pay the price to promote them.18 State motivations may originate from bureaucrats or individual actors; thus, we need to trace national interests to government elites&#8217; ideological perspectives. Each individual decision-maker has his\/her specific role to play with unique interests that impact the outcomes.19 International relations scholars typically begin with power when studying state interests. To identify the interrelationships between interests and power, we need to follow the traditional schools of thought based on the realist approach. Realists argue that all states have a &#8220;core national interest&#8221; of assuring their physical and territorial integrity. Both neorealist and neoliberals agree that national security and economic welfare are important to states, and the primary goals of states are diversified in the relative emphasis on their focus on security and economic domains. Coulombs and Wolfe have given the following standards for determining nation al interest. According to them, national interest can be derived from the Operation al-Philosophy Criteria (keeping in view the time, location, and actions of predeces sors), which include ideology, moral and legal obligation, bureaucratic-interests, and criteria related to ethnic and racial, and foreign policy aspects.20 To simplify the concept of national interest, Thomas W. Robinson has pointed out six types of national interest. They are: i. Primary Interest: comprises maintaining the physical, political, and cultural iden tity of the state against potential encroachments from external powers. ii. Secondary Interest: includes the protection of the citizens abroad and ensuring diplomatic immunity for the diplomatic staff. iii. Permanent Interest: related to the comparatively constant and long-term interests of the state. iv. Variable Interest: reflected dynamically for national good in each set of situations. In this sense, the variable interest can deviate from both primary and permanent interest. v. General Interest: refers to those favorable conditions applicable to numerous states or in some specified areas such as economics, trade, diplomatic intercourse, and others. vi. Specific Interest: through the logical extension of the general interests, specific interests are defined in time and space.21 All these forms of national interests need to be put into action by a state, and thus, these national interests of a state are carried out or forwarded to the international arena through various means and instruments. These instruments include diplomacy, 283\u00a0 alliance, propaganda, psychological and political warfare, economic methods, impe rialism and colonialism, and coercive methods and war.22 The national interest of Nepal, according to article 5(1) of Nepal&#8217;s Constitution, 2015 emphasizes on &#8220;Safeguarding of the freedom, sovereignty, territorial integrity, nationality, independence, and dignity of Nepal. The constitutional provision on Nepal&#8217;s national interest also demands on protecting &#8220;the rights of the Nepali people, border security, economic wellbeing and prosperity shall be the basic elements of the national interest of Nepal.&#8221; 23 Because of its geo-strategic location, Nepal has always reiterated on the principles of non-alignment, neutrality, world peace, adherence to international law, multilateralism, and non-aggression to fulfill its national interest. To Nepal, diplomacy is a key to fulfill its national interest.<\/p><h1>Nationalism<\/h1><p>Nationalism has become one of the most influential of all political ideologies over the last two centuries and is more likely to continue as a potent force well into the current century. Nationalism goes beyond patriotism. As a philosophy, it is a part of &#8216;world view&#8217; &#8211; a Weltanschauung &#8211; as a set of comprehensible thoughts and values that provide significance to a social group&#8217;s past, elucidates its relevance in present and offers a program for possible future action.24 Nationalism can be studied and categorized in different forms. Among them, ethnic nationalism recognizes a close association between national members linked by race, language or other cultural qualities that persist over centuries.25 Another type of nationalism is civic nationalism, the foundation of American, French, or British nationalism. It recognizes the shared historical ties between people in the state, con nections that can effortlessly be stretched to other people through citizenship and the devotions and responsibilities of acquiring that citizenship. Nationalism is, thus, not a forthright ideology.26 It can have many faces and display many forms. It can be conservative, fascist, liberal, socialist, even Marxist.27 Nationalism can be divided into three theoretical categories. They are: \u00b7 Liberal nationalism: Conferring to this school of thought, humankind is dis tributed into states, all of which have definite territorial limits to which they are similarly entitled. \u00b7 Reactionary nationalism: After the failure of the liberal-nationalist revolutions of 1848, many European states became progressively connected with the con servative and reactionary forces complicated in generating and conserving the state and its institutions endangered by revolutionary socialism. \u00b7 Radicalized nationalism: Radical nationalism is associated with a want to alter the domestic and\/or international order.28 284\u00a0 Nationalism can be perceived as being closely related to the interests of society. It is an invention of the development of modern statehood and industrialization. Over the last two centuries, there has been an enormous social and technological transfor mation, comprising scientific enquiry, greater rationality, and the development of an additional centralized state, greater social mobility, and the prospect of social reform. As Ernest Gellner contends in Nations and Nationalism (1983), nationalism became an elites&#8217; ideological tool to mobilize people to welcome change. The nation claimed to have deep historical roots, compensating people for losing their strong pre-indus trial social ties.29 The development of nationalism in Nepal can be traced back to the evolution of Nepal as a nation-state. Nepal&#8217;s isolation during the eighteenth and nineteenth cen turies played an essential part in building its current &#8216;national&#8217; character.30 It helped the numerous ethnicities keep their uniqueness; thus, Nepal now has an exceptional ly diverse society with more than one hundred ethnic and cultural groups.31 Nepal&#8217;s isolation however interacted with India&#8217;s capitalist-dominated economy, aggravating Nepal&#8217;s dependence.32 Thus, Nepal&#8217;s economic nationalism is still driven by the co nundrum of dependency. The demarcation of the border between British India and Nepal in 1816 and the recognition of Nepal as a sovereign independent country in 1923 are the two critical milestones in the evolution of Nepal as a nation. Until the political change of 2006, the political system was founded on monarchy, which played a certain role in determining the country&#8217;s national identity. But, the Nepali nationalism, which was earlier based on Nepali language and hill identity (and efforts made to generate or discover a monoculture of &#8216;Nepaliness&#8217; based &#8216;one nation, one language, one dress, one religion&#8217;33) is undergoing a radical transformation into a new variant of national ism from the erstwhile mode of hegemonic nationalism into &#8216;civic nationalism&#8217; that can accommodate the wide range of diversity.34<\/p><h1>Newly Industrializing Countries (NICs)<\/h1><p>There is no unanimously acknowledged definition of the standards by which a state is categorized as a NIC. Therefore, there has been no agreement as to which states should be so defined. Several scholars have accepted NICs as the one positioned be tween developing and highly developed in the context of economic development.35 A newly industrialized country (NIC), in this sense, is used by the political scientists and economists to explain a list of developing countries, which shows better econom ic growth compared to other developing states. These states have moved away from an agriculture-based economy into a more industrialized, urban economy.36 Each newly industrialized states have peculiar characteristics of growth, making it difficult to categorize the motives for the relative success of the NICs compared 285\u00a0 to other developing states. Hong Kong and Singapore have been forced to export to survive, with no domestic market or raw materials to support their industrialization. Both intensely exploited Chinese entrepreneurial skills, which are now being trans ferred to other states in the region.37 South Korea and Taiwan, dissimilar to Japanese 60 0 0 experience, have had to industrialize from scrape. Both have reliably followed policies of outward-looking export-led growth, but such a policy is, by itself, no guarantee of success.38 This is demonstrated by the experience of the larger NICs including Brazil.39 Between 1968 and 1973, Brazil followed an outward-looking policies and showed signs of becoming a dynamic exporter, but its performance was not con sistent. As in India&#8217;s case, its large domestic market allows economies of scale to be achieved. The accessibility of raw materials, though not adequate in oil, might also have made the exportation of productions less fluctuating.40 Mexico has also been strongly influenced by its contiguity with the USA. Simul taneously, as domestic supplies of energy decrease the pressure to export manufac tures to pay for imported oil, a problem facing many other NICs, income from oil and gas exports provides Mexico with the means to invest in industrialization. Other energy-rich states have begun to develop oil or energy-intensive industries, such as the Gulf States&#8217; involvement in petrochemicals.41 Liberal economists, including Bela Balassa (The Newly Industrializing Countries in the World Economy), observe East Asia&#8217;s accomplishment as the outcome of &#8220;cor rect&#8221; policy choices, suggesting that export-led growth can be simulated extensively. Equally crucial in elucidating specific policy reforms is the political independence of state elites from the societal actors. State autonomy is critical in accounting for turning points, such as the shift to export-led growth, when inducements are ratio nalized, and a new growth alliance is forged. Political autonomy alone does not rec ommend the substantive direction that new policy initiatives will take.42 Economic changes in the international system including the gradual diffusion of technology, the growth of foreign direct investment, and openness of the Northern markets have simplified NICs&#8217; growth, but produced new bargaining and adjustment problems. The capability to manage these problems are of a domestic structures and capacities, as is demonstrated by the problems of managing extended trade and foreign direct investment in manufacturing.43 The development of NICs has been escorted by an increase in the absolute tech nical and administrative capability to observe and standardize investors. The postwar development of trade, loaning and investment has delivered a background within which the NICs have accomplished rapid industrialization. &#8220;Dependence,&#8221; neverthe less, seems to be an outcome of specific national strategies rather than the exploitative relations between the countries in a world system.44 286<\/p><h1>Non-Government Organizations (NGOs)<\/h1><p>Non-state power is now a component of international life. Non-governmental or- ganizations (NGOs) are currently accepted as crucial third sector actors in devel opment, human rights, humanitarian activities, environment, and numerous areas of public action. Likewise, NGOs are vigorous in the broader range of additional roles such as democracy building, culture preservation, environmental activism, pol icy analysis, research, conflict resolution, human rights, and information provision.45 NGOs have appeared in numerous forms for centuries, but they paid great impor tance to the issues of international development in the 1980s and 1990s. The world of NGOs comprises a mystifying diversity of brands. While the word &#8220;NGO&#8221; is S.A. Sim broadly used, there are also many other overlapping expressions such as &#8220;nonprofit,&#8221; &#8220;voluntary,&#8221; and &#8220;civil society&#8221; organizations, which may be big or small, official, or informal, bureaucratic, or malleable.46 For international scholars, the relations between non-government organizations Sound Removed (NGOs) and states have been a subject of inquiry. In contrast to the state-centric es, such a history of international relations, the study of NGOs in IR has advanced in two comprehensive ways. In the decade of 1990s, scholars openly confronted the central attention on states as actors and established that NGOs incorporated both the state What&#8217;s Of and social dimensions. In the decade of 2000s, the interaction between states and ATenger NGOs multiplied.47 ependent The pattern of interactions varies among states and NGOs in global politics. Functional demands and resource flows are two probable drivers of NGO-State rela tions.48 NGO-State relationship comes under one of the four groups- conflict, coop eration, competition, and cooptation, characterized according to the ends and means of the states and NGOs involved in the relationship. A cooperative association is one in which the NGO and state share both approaches (means) and objectives (ends).49 A conflictual (or confrontational) association subsists when NGOs have different ob jectives and concepts of how to accomplish them. A competitive relationship subsists when NGOs and states share similar objectives but employ diverse approaches. Last ly, cooptation subsists when an actor&#8217;s means are transported to assist others&#8217; goals. Thus, states and NGOs may share approaches but not objectives.50 While the state remains the greatest authoritative international actor, NGOs em phasize their struggles on influencing state behavior, both as levers or targets. Regis tering state associates as levers contrary to other actors, will characteristically position the most excellent effective passage for progressing NGO interests.51 Non-govern mental organizations, similarly, act outside the limitations of domestic politics. In the certain circumstances, NGO and state agendas correspond, when NGOs assist state interests as much as the other way around. The Landmines Treaty is an instance in which some states m ates mobilized NGOs to work alongside the &#8220;political hegemony of the United States.&#8221; 52 In contrast, where state and NGO interests are not aligned, 287\u00a0 constructivism identifies NGO&#8217;s power as based not on the ordinary currency of pol itics (votes and money) but, instead, on the power of shared knowledge and learning. While liberal theory seeks to explain how transnational NGO activity impacts poli cy-making at the national level, institutionalism considers NGO&#8217;s role in cementing intergovernmental regimes. Among the various disciplinary approaches to the study of NGOs, IR scholars are particularly well situated to understand the diversity of relationships among the states and NGOs.53 The historical development of NGOs in Nepal is shorter than in any other state in South Asia. During the Panchayat era, there were tight rules which regulated and super vised the NGOs. Under the Panchayat regime, the number of NGOs grew gradually from 10 in 1960 to 37 in 1987.54 Changes in regulating NGOs and funding agencies surfaced after the revolution against the Panchayat regime and the founding of parlia mentary democracy in 1990. The core objectives of NGOs in Nepal are social reform and citizens&#8217; awareness building.55 NGOs are also operational progressively in pover ty eradication, agriculture, irrigation, water, sanitation, population and family plan ning, heritage preservation, protection, and promotion, gender mainstreaming, human rights, peace initiatives, conflict management, and infrastructure and development.56 NGOs in Nepal are also concerned by the manner Nepal Government is aban doning capacity building while stifling them with red tape through either the So cial Welfare Council (SWC) or a ministry. Because of the lack of inter-agency and inter-ministry harmonization, projects have been either missed or delayed. Neither government ministries nor the SWC evaluates NGO performance concerning effec tiveness, costs, and output even though NGOs are required to submit audited finan cial reports every year; and state security forces pester NGOs that promote a return to constitutional democracy.57 Still, many domestic NGOs run multidimensional activities, not limiting themselves to a particular sector.<\/p><h1>Non-Tariff Barrier (NTB)<\/h1><p>The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1947 and its descendant the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995 were set up to inspire free trade amongst member states by modifying and lessening tariff barriers, quantitative restrictions, and subsidies on traded goods and by providing a shared mechanism for resolving trade disputes.58 Applicable tariffs have weakened progressively over the past two decades; however, protectionism is cumulative and poses a threat to global economic growth. Governments progressively resort to non-tariff barriers and play an increas ing role in trade agreements. Though tariffs have been disregarded in trade among members, non-tariff barriers (NTBs) are mutual and a key obstacle to establishing the common market.59 Non-tariff measures are commonly defined as policy measures other than stan dard customs tariffs that can have a severe impact on international trade in goods, 288\u00a0 shifting quantities traded, or prices or both.60 The word &#8220;non-tariff barrier&#8221; incorpo rates a diversity of government actions affecting trade. NTBs may be protectionist at the expense of traders from other states; they may aim to upkeep domestic industries, with no direct purpose to weaken international competition or non-protectionism, but still restrictive of a particular trade. Although definitions of NTBs incline to cen ter on goods, NTBs also affect trade in services.61 NTBs may vary and can be differentiated into four groups: 1. Import controls; 2. State aid and subsidy measures; 3. Public procurement and localization policies; and 4. Other NTBs including Sanitary and Phytosanitary Standards (SPS), Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) and capital controls.62 The non-tariff measures include sanitary and phytosanitary measures (SPS), technical barriers to trade (TBT), pre-shipment inspection and other formalities (PSI), contingent trade-protective measures, non-automatic licensing, quotas and other quantitative controls (QC), price controls (PC), financial measures, measures affecting competition, trade-related investment measures, distribution restrictions, restrictions on post-sales services, subsidies (excluding export subsidies under P7), government procurement restrictions, intellectual property, rules of origin, and ex port-related measures.63 As a protectionist policy, non-tariff barriers disrupt the most-favored-nation principle, a base of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) &#8212; the multinational agreement governing international trade. Not only does the most-fa vored-nation principle necessitate that a state treats its trading partners identically, but it also obliges that trade barrier reductions exchanged on a bilateral basis be ex tended to all GATT members.64 A tariff is a tax enforced on foreign goods; non-tariff barriers, instead, are non tax measures enforced by governments to favor domestic over foreign suppliers. Non-tariff barriers incorporate an extensive range of measures. Some have relatively unimportant trade effects. Non-tariff barriers have effects comparable to those of tariffs: they increase domestic prices and obstruct trade to defend selected producers at domestic consumers&#8217; expense.65 Despite the consequences, the usage of non-tariff barriers has amplified sharply in recent years. Although Nepal does an overwhelming sum of trade with India, Nepal&#8217;s trade with other South Asian states has been insignificant over the years, most notably in export. Nepal faces several non-tariff barriers to its exports despite being a mem ber of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) which assure hassle-free cross-border movement of goods and services. 66 Around 65 percent of trade of Nepal is with India. Nepali products face various types 289\u00a0 of non-tariff barriers in many of these markets, stifling the country&#8217;s export trade and helping to push up the trade deficit.67 Nepal has been raising non-tariff barriers with its largest trading partner India at almost every high-level conference including in tergovernmental meetings.68 Nepali ginger in Indian markets has been encountering problems of non-tariff barriers including sanitary measures.<\/p><h1>North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)<\/h1><p>As a pillar of US-European military cooperation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was estab lished in 1949 as a bulwark against USSR aggression. North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is a politi cal and military organization initially instituted of twelve members from Europe and Northern America, with the Washington Treaty as its foundation.69 Presently, NATO comprises 28 member states and is the most potent regional military and political organization in the realm.70 NATO is founded on two principles- collective defense and mutual assistance amongst the member states. Collective defense is regarded as a critical foundation of the alliance, a landmark principle of NATO enshrined in Article 5 of the Washington Treaty. Article 5 says that, if an armed attack ensues on one of the NATO member states, each member state will contemplate this as an act of violence against all mem ber states and that they will take up the measures essential to support the confronted member states.71 All NATO decisions are made by consensus, after dialogue and discussion among the member states. Consultations between the member states is therefore at the heart of NATO since allies can exchange views and information, and discuss issue before reaching an agreement and initiating actions.72 The formation of NATO can be best categorized as a case of &#8220;strategic revo lution&#8221; because during the Cold War, Western European states acknowledged that they were incapable of defending themselves individually in case of attack by USSR on Western Europe.73 The USSR dissolved in 1991, and subsequently, NATO lost its sole enemy and strategic adversary. Thus, NATO started to cooperate with the former USSR satellite states and their integration into the organization and other international organizations, such as the European Union and spread security and stability zone in Europe.74 After 9\/11, the threat of terrorism, rogue states, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and failed states became the top debated matters among the majority of states and international organizations of the trans-Atlantic space. The 9\/11 attacks gave the impetus for the next round of post-Cold-War transformation of NATO.75 The present disaster in Eastern Europe (2014-ongoing) can be categorized as the 290\u00a0 fourth and most recent period of NATO expansion. Second, NATO member states were incapable of responding to this condition efficiently, and there was no set, so called, effective &#8220;red line&#8221; at the first stage of the Russian invasion. Third, most of the NATO member states required sufficient military competencies to defend their ter ritories, and Central Europe was deprived of strategic infrastructure.76 Besides these threats, NATO is today facing security threat right on its neighborhood in Ukraine. We may describe several categories of NATO partnership policies. The first cat egory characterizes relations with states with NATO membership aspirations (Geor gia, for example). The second category incorporates relations with European states without NATO membership aspirations.77 NATO has advanced complex relations with important international players, mostly with international organizations and states outside Europe. Nevertheless, partnership building is a multifaceted and nev er-ending process. The current NATO engagement in the international crisis man agement operations has established the alliance&#8217;s significant role in addressing global security challenges.78<\/p><h1>Nuclear Proliferation<\/h1><p>Nuclear proliferation has long been acknowledged as an austere threat to the world. Nuclear proliferation poses a threat of undermining international and regional in teractions and impairs states&#8217; national sovereignty. With the fall of communism in the USSR and the end of the Cold War, apprehension over the danger of a nuclear confrontation has shifted to other states, principally those of the Third World.79 In 1974, India became the sixth state to test a nuclear device.80 In 1979, in association with South Africa, Israel had attempted for proliferation. In the Middle East, today, Islamic states, particularly Iran, Syria, Libya and Algeria, are following Iraq&#8217;s paths. In Asia, after decades of having been suspected of possessing nuclear weaponry, Pakistan lastly admitted it in 1992.81 Nuclear proliferation is now used to designate the spread of nuclear weapons, fissile materials, and weapons-applicable nuclear technology and information to states that are not accepted as &#8216;Nuclear Weapon States&#8217; by the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. The most quoted definition of nuclear proliferation in the academic works is &#8220;the ac quisition of nuclear weapons by additional nation-states.&#8221; 82 An alternate definition also mentioned regularly in the academic works is that proliferation is the &#8220;spread of nuclear weapons&#8221; or even &#8220;nuclear-related technologies&#8221; to states that formerly had no such competenc.83 One definition that resolves many of the problem is: &#8220;[ &#8230; ] a process by which countries move closer to or away from different thresh olds toward developing the bomb. Countries will not necessarily stay solidly in one state of &#8220;nuclear latency&#8221; or another, as internal and external conditions that fuel or suppress proliferation may change over time, Governments do not need to &#8220;decide&#8221; 291\u00a0 Photo Credit: Foreign Policy to &#8220;go nuclear&#8221; until the moment that they test a nuclear device; even then, the decision to develop a deliverable weapon or declare nuclear-weapons status can be independent of a nuclear test.&#8221; 84 Today, nine states have nuclear weapons, and numerous more can acquire them, although only five states are formally acknowledged as owning nuclear weapons by the 1968 nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT).85 Those are the USA (1945), Rus sia (1949), the United Kingdom (1952), France (1960) and China (1964). For In dia, Israel, and Pakistan, all known to have possessed or suspected of having nuclear weapons, joining the treaty as non-nuclear weapon states would require that they dismantle their nuclear weapons and place their nuclear materials under international safeguards. South Africa followed this path to accession in 1991.86 North Korea an nounced on January 10, 2003, that it was withdrawing from the treaty.87 The incentives for nuclear proliferation can comprise increased international sta tus, domestic political requirements, or political pressures, increased strategic auton omy, a strategic hedge against military and political uncertainty, especially about the reliability of allies, possession of a weapon of last resort, and bargain leverage over the developed nations.88 The disincentives that may discourage nations from going in for nuclear weapons include resource diversion to the nuclear program that may lead to a loss of opportunity to pursue other pressing economic and social priorities, adverse national and international public opinion that would reflect on the &#8216;status&#8217; of the na tion, disruption of recognized or conventional security guarantees provided by some of the great powers, the infeasibility of emerging with the essential technology and consequently the corresponding nuclear strategy, and fright of a hostile international response that would affect the trade and other relations of the state.89 Regarding the international mechanism to control nuclear proliferation, the Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1957 is the most important international agree 292\u00a0 ment limiting nuclear arms.90 Other international instruments to control nuclear proliferation are: International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) established in 1957; 91 the UN General Assembly endorsement of the NPT with General Assembly Res olution 2373 (XXII); 92 nuclear-free zone created in Antarctica in 1959; the 1967 Latin American Nuclear Free Zone Treaty; the 1967 Outer Space treaty and the 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty; the &#8216;Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production And Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) And Toxin Weapons And on their Destruction&#8217; signed in 1972 and came into force in 1975; 93 In the year 1980, 51 states signed the Convention on Prohibition or Restriction on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons which may be deemed to be excessively injurious or to have indiscriminate effect. Five protocols are attached to the Convention with 90 signato ry states including those who have not signed the Ottawa Convention like China, Is rael, Pakistan, the Russian Federation, and the USA.94 &#8216;The Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty&#8217; was signed in 1996 by 71 states, including 5 nuclear states. By 2004, 107 countries signed this treaty, establishing CTBTO, an organization for provision oversight, including 321 seismic, infra-acoustic, and hydro-acoustic observatory sta tion throughout the world to detect the waves caused by nuclear explosions.95 293\u00a0<\/p><h1>OECD<\/h1><p>Along with several European states, the USA formed the predecessor organization to the OECD, the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), with an objective to manage aid under the Marshall Plan, targeted to reconstruct Europe after the World War II. It was only in 1961, the OECD replaced OEEC with a directive to strengthen economic system in the member countries by encompassing the spirit of free trade, and contribute to development in the industrialized and de veloping states. Currently, OECD has 37 members, which are Austria, Australia, Belgium, Can ada, Chile, Colombia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germa ny, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Korea, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Mexico, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the United King dom, and the United States.1 As a transatlantic organization and global network of states, OECD focuses on broader objective of drawing fruits of globalization in global trade, wages, industrial development by moving beyond its concentration on the OECD members.2 Also, OECD leaves no stone unturned in advocating that global economic growth and welfare is suitably reinforced by a free and open flow of services, goods, and capital. Thus, its role of a critical advocacy on the welfare opportunities offered by globaliza tion as a &#8220;forum in which governments can work collectively to share experiences and pursue solutions to shared problems.&#8221; OECD enables a discourse among its members on good governance toward ma ture institutions and supervisory structures that can yield a wide-range of benefits to the OECD members and developing states,3 To accomplish the objectives, OECD has constituted three central bodies: the Council, the Committees, and the Sec retariat.4 Representatives of the member OECD states meet in specialized committees to work on ideas and review development 297\u00a0 in specific policy areas, such as employment, education, economy, trade, science, or financial markets. There are approximately 200 committees, working groups and expert groups in all. The overriding committee is the Council, which has a policy making authority. It is composed of one representative for each member state that gives direction to the OECD; and guides its work. The Secretariat is headed by a Sec retary-General supported by four Deputy Secretary Generals who chairs the Council. OECD works in two official languages: English and French. Its member states fund the OECD. National contributions to the annual budget are founded on a formula related to each member&#8217;s economy&#8217;s size.5<\/p><h1>OPEC<\/h1><p>Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries was established in the Baghdad conference in the year 1960 by the efforts of Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Venezuela. Demand for a close cooperation amongst the oil-producing states became more intensive during the first petroleum congress in the year 1959 that took place in Cairo, where it was decided that oil companies are to contact the government of oil-producing states before deciding oil prices. The key motives behind the establish ment of OPEC were to guarantee the stabilization of oil prices in the international market and control the supply of petroleum to consuming states.6 As a fully functioning international organization, OPEC was headquarted in Geneva during its first five years of existence. It was moved to Vienna, Austria on 1st September 1965. The Republic of Congo became the last state to join OPEC on 22nd June 2018. Presently OPEC has 15 member states: Algeria, Angola, Ecuador, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Libya, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, Republic of the Congo, Nigeria, and Venezuela.7 As of September 2018, the member countries of OPEC accounted for 44% of global oil production and 81.5% of the world oil reserves, creating its primary influence on global oil pric es.8 Indonesia exited as an OPEC member in the year 2016 when OPEC demanded a 5% production cut. Its key organs are the Confer ence, the Board of Governors, and the Secretariat. The Conference, which is the ultimate authority meet ing taking place at least twice a year, contains delegations from each mem ber state, and is usually controlled by the respective minister of oil, mines or energy. All decisions, other than those regarding procedural matters, Photo Credit: The Himalayan Times 298\u00a0 are accepted unanimously. OPEC board members comprise ministers of member states, supervised by the OPEC secretary-general who is the chief executive of the organization. OPEC plays a dynamic role in controlling oil price globally by supervising the production, price, and sales as most of the oil-producing states are its members. During the previous oil crisis, OPEC activities displayed its vital role in stabilizing the oil market. OPEC first demonstrated its impact on the world economy during the war between Egypt and Israel, leading OPEC to employ an oil embargo on Israel and its supporters including USA, South Africa, and Netherlands. The 1973 embar go affected the oil supply in the world market.9 The principal objectives of OPEC are: \u00b7 Manage and unite the petroleum policies of the member states and regulate the most acceptable means for preserving their distinct and shared interests; \u00b7 Pursue transactions and means of safeguarding the steadiness of prices in in ternational oil markets to eradicate damaging and redundant variations.10 Other objectives include: \u00b7 Deliver adequate economic and stable supply of petroleum to consumer states and reasonable return on capital to those capitalizing in the petroleum indus try; \u00b7 Keep steady oil price in the international market to circumvent price move ments and protect an effectual, commercial, and stable supply of oil to its consumers.11 In the predictable future, oil will retain its place in meeting the world&#8217;s rising energy demands. Presently, OPEC accounts for more than 80% of the world&#8217;s oil reserve. The demand for oil is set to increase by 28 million b\/d to 113 million b\/d by 2025, which will characterize the yearly average growth of 1.5 million b\/d.12<\/p><h1>OSCE<\/h1><p>Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe(OSCE) is a pan-European security organization of 57 participating states. It has been acknowledged under the UN Charter as a principal mechanism aimed at conflict resolution, crisis manage ment and post-conflict rehabilitation. Since the Helsinki Charter was accepted in 1975, the idea of cooperative and inclusive security is emphasized. OSCE deems se curity as inseparable and ensures the cooperation of all parties in guaranting security, peace, and stability. Such an understanding has driven the OSCE states to embrace a comprehensive approach to security. Since its inception, the OSCE has attained a 299\u00a0 high level of legitimacy in its central business of norm-setting. By embracing the Paris Charter in 1990, the OSCE participating states have cooperated on how to recognize democracy as the only legitimate governance principle inside the OSCE region. The institutional structure of the OSCE has evolved significantly since the adop tion of the 1990 Paris Charter. The heads of the participating states meet every two (or more) years for summit meetings, which set out the strategic plans of the OSCE. Between summit meetings, the OSCE Foreign Ministers meet in the Ministerial Council to discuss issues of importance to the OSCE.13 The consistent body for political consultation and decision-making is the Permanent Council, which con tains permanent representatives of OSCE states.14 Initially established to arrange the Ministerial Council meetings, the Senior Council has lost its earlier prominence. Finally, the Forum for Security Cooperation is the body that deals with arms con trol and confidence-building and security-building measures.15 The most significant operational institution is the Chairman in Office, which rotates yearly among the participating states. Maintained by the previous and the succeeding Chairmen, the Office&#8217;s Chairman is accountable for executive action and coordination of OSCE&#8217;s actions. The Secretary-General acts as a representative of the Chairman-in-Office and manages OSCE structures and operations.16 The Secretariat is based in Vienna and comprises a Conflict Prevention Center which delivers operational support for OSCE field missions.17 The Office for Demo cratic Institutions and Human Rights is situated in Warsaw. It is dynamic in observing elections and formulating national electoral and human rights organizations, provid ing technical support to national legal institutions, and encouraging rule of law and civil society.18 The Office of the Representative on Freedom of the Media is in Vienna. Its primary function is to discern pertinent media developments in OSCE participating states to provide a warning on defilements of freedom of expression.19 The Office of the High Commissioner on National Minorities is situated in The Hague. Its purpose is osce 300\u00a0 to recognize and pursue early resolution of ethnic tensions that might endanger peace, stability, or friendly relations amongst the participating States of the OSCE.20 The OSCE plays a significant part in consolidating and developing Europe&#8217;s security architecture&#8217;s normative foundation and assisting states in transition. How ever, the eastward expansion of NATO and the EU, and lack of interest of important participating states, have possibly sidelined the OSCE. The image of the overall re cord of democratization of the OSCE is somewhat mixed. A peculiar feature of the OSCE, for instance, is its inclusive membership. The organization has placed the issues regarding promotion of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law in the OSCE area on a top priority. Its search for meaningful reforms is however criticized for compromising the political security.21 301\u00a0<\/p><h1>Peacebuilding<\/h1><p>In An Agenda for Peace, former UN Secretary-General Boutros-Boutros Ghali defined peacebuilding as &#8220;action to identify and support structures, which tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict.&#8221;! Ghali regarded mea sures for peacebuilding as post-conflict social and political reconstruction to pre vent a reversion into conflict. The word &#8216;peacebuilding&#8217; differs from &#8216;peacekeeping&#8217; and &#8216;peacemaking&#8217; for its emphasis on reconciliation coupled with the process of state-building.2 Colloquially, peace is defined as the absence of war and physical violence. This is arguable, not only because peace is repeatedly defined otherwise by various groups. Johan Galtung distinguished between negative and positive peace. While negative peace is the absence of direct violence, positive peace also comprises the absence of structural and cultural violence.3 Galtung&#8217;s notion of peacebuilding through un avoidable transformation in social structure by addressing the root causes of conflict, laid the foundation for the UN&#8217;s understanding of peacebuilding.4 In the 2005 resolution founding the peacebuilding architecture, UN member states highlighted the significance of &#8220;international support to national efforts in establishing, redeveloping or reforming institutions for the effective administration of countries emerging from conflict, including capacity-building efforts.&#8221; 5 The Secu rity Council requested the Peacebuilding Commission to &#8220;focus its attention on the reconstruction and institution-building efforts necessary for recovery from conflict and to support the development of integrated strategies in order to lay the foundation for sustainable development.&#8221; 6 The term &#8216;peacebuilding&#8217; is used in two diverse ways, as an all-inclusive word, covering a whole range of ideas denoting security, political, humanitarian, and developmental actions while others use it to denote &#8216;late recovery&#8217; or &#8216;peace consolidation&#8217; .? Peace-building is not an easy task, when a society is marked by severe impover ishment, deep cleavages, and political mistrust. Success in peace-building depends on the parties&#8217; commitment and motivation, mechanisms to resolve differences, and institutional transformation. Peace-building needs to enhance public safety, promote 303\u00a0 general economic recovery, and create a certain scope for public debate. In this re gard, what matters is strategy the parties concerned will follow and which actors will be pivotal in building peace, which by nature is very much context-specific and determined by the country&#8217;s political reality.8 Among the states that have gone through internal conflicts, Nepal offers an atypical case where the causes of the insurgency that began in 1996 were diverse and categorized into two classes: failure of governance and political economy based on the class and persistent disparity. After the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) signed the 12-point Agreement in 2005, the Maoist insurgents joined the mainstream and peaceful politics.9 The peace-building process required development of communal relationships and psychological reno vation to rectify the harm and damage inflicted upon the victims of oppression and violence.10 The risk remained that peace-building might become disjointed and pow er might again become focused among political parties that failed to bring positive consequences in the past.11 In this regard, the Government of Nepal, international community, and civil society played an active role in facilitating reconstruction of Nepali state and reconciliation of former insurgents into social, economic, and polit ical landscapes, the two pillars of the peace-building process.12<\/p><h1>Peacekeeping<\/h1><p>George L. Sherry devised the word &#8216;controlled impasse&#8217; to define peacekeeping, claim- ing that there are many &#8216;objectively insoluble&#8217; conflicts and are continuously in a state of &#8216;controlled impasse&#8217;.13 Sherry says, &#8216;peacekeeping is the reverse of military action: the peaceful application of a military presence in the interest of a political process.14 Like Sherry, Alan James defines peacekeeping as providing a barrier against [ &#8230; ] un wanted war&#8217;.15 Norton and Weiss designate peacekeeping as &#8216;an interim step &#8211; a stop MP MF MP Photo Credit: United Nations Peacekeeping 304\u00a0 gap &#8211; to buy time for active diplomacy&#8217;. Peacekeeping has also been understood as an instrument manifesting international community&#8217;s commitment and intent to avert a conflict.16 Peacekeeping is also a method of third-party intervention intended at assisting the peaceful settlement of disputes. It is an instrument for preserving the status quo, mainly uninterested in the economic and social subjects that supplement extended war. The term is usually explained as a UN invention and is frequently connected with Dag Hammarskjold and Lester B. Pearson.17 The United Nations Organization was established to &#8220;save the succeeding generations from another scourge of war&#8221;,18 but its charter does not particularly indicate or comprise provisions for peacekeeping operations. Regardless of this, UN peacekeeping has become an acute device in pre serving international stability and conflict management in war-torn states.19 Peacekeeping includes activities to avoid conflict, and stimulate the peace pro cesses during the stages of fragile ceasefires. Earlier, UN peacekeeping was understood only as a military affair, armed or unarmed, and the word peacekeeping was used as a substitute for peace operations.20 The definition of the term has advanced over time, and as the world has developed, so have peacekeeping operations, from severely mili tary to multidimensional operations, including military, police, and civilians.21 From this standpoint, the UN describes peacekeeping as: &#8220;[ &#8230; ] a technique designed to preserve the peace, however fragile, where fighting has been halted, and to assist in implementing agreements achieved by the peace makers. Over the years, peacekeeping has evolved from a primarily military model of observing ceasefires and the separation of forces after inter-state wars to incorporate a complex model of many militaries, police, and civilian elements &#8211; working together to help lay the foundations for sustainable peace.&#8221; 22 Other than the UN&#8217;s definition, peacekeeping has also been understood as deter rence, suppression, restraint, and cessation of conflicts through peaceful third-party interference, prepared and focused internationally using multinational forces of sol diers, police, and civilians to reinstate and uphold peace.23 Peacekeeping has thus advanced from the implementation of fragile peace deals in anticipation of producing circumstances favorable to addressing the origins of a conflict and also encompasses the actions such as protecting civilians, administering humanitarian assistance, and re-establishment of the rule of law.24 One of the states deeply involved in peacekeeping operations is Nepal. After the admission of Nepal into the UN in 1955, it has adhered to the UN Charter and shown strong commitment towards peace, security, and disarmament, by participat ing actively in various bodies of the UN General Assembly, UNSC, Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), and other UN organs. The best recognized and note worthy contribution made by Nepal to the UN is &#8220;peacekeeping&#8221;. The former Sec retary-General of the UN, Ban- Ki-Moon, said Nepal&#8217;s peacekeeping contribution is a shining example.25 At present, it is the 2nd largest troop contributor to the UN 305\u00a0 Peacekeeping Operations deployed in different missions around the world.26 Nepal started its peacekeeping role with the UN Observer Group in Lebanon (UNOGIL) in 1958, and was involved in 1966, in India and Pakistan (UNIPOM), followed by deployment in Egypt in 1974. During the Panchayat era, Nepalese Army participated in five different peacekeeping missions: UNIPOM-1966 (India and Pa kistan), UNEF-II 1974 (Sinai, Egypt), UNIFIL-1978 (Lebanon), UNMOT- 1989 (Tajikistan), and UNGOMAP I-II and OSGAP I-III -1989.27 Before 1990, only the Nepalese Army was involved, but after 1990 Nepal police force was also incorporated. For the first time, the Nepal police force participated in UN peacekeeping in the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR in former Yugoslavia) on 12 March 1992.28 Currently, Nepal Police is participating in four countries as peacekeepers.29 As of 2018, the total number of participants of Nepal Police personnel in various UN Missions is 2,886 (Male: 2,769 and Female: 117), and the total participation of Nepal Police personnel as IPOs\/FPU in various UN Missions is 8,056 (Male: 7,559 and Female: 497).30 Since October 2002, the Armed Police Force of Nepal has been contributed remarkably to various UN Peacekeep ing Missions in Iraq (UNGCI), Kosovo (UNMIK), Liberia (UNMIL), Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL), Haiti (MINUSTAH), Sudan (UNMIS and UNMISS), Darfur (UN AMID), Somalia (UNSOM), East Timor (UNMIT), and Cyprus (UNFICYP) as UN Police advisors, instructors, monitors, and contingents.31 Altogether, Nepal has participated in 43 UN missions with 129,890 personnel. More than 70 peacekeepers have sacrificed their lives and more than 70 disabled. Ne pal is one of the 45 troop-contributing countries of UNIFIL, with 870 peacekeepers on the ground serving for peace by observing, monitoring, and reporting the security situation on the ground since 1978.32<\/p><h1>Peace Studies<\/h1><p>Peace is not merely the absence of war. It is also the presence of justice and equali- ty, abolition of violence, oppression, greed, and environmental destruction by the constructive mediation of conflicts.33 Conflicts occur at diverse levels: personal, in communities and organizations, within societies, and between states. The field of peace studies is comparatively a modern establishment, but thinking about peace has a much longer history.34 Peace Studies have prevailed in several variations. The decrease and ultimate eradication of war and the elimination of violent conflict by peaceful means are the dominant domains of peace studies. The discipline of International Relations (IR) since its inception, instantaneously after the First World War, has provided a location for researchers initially trained in the natural sciences, economics, psychology, an thropology, education, and sociology, more so than the understandable disciplinary value of political science and IR, to come together in the expedition for peace.35 306\u00a0 Nepali experiences in peace process and reconciliation may offer a prominent place in peace studies. In 1996 the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) [CPN (Mao ist)] started the &#8216;People&#8217;s War&#8217; against the Nepali state which took a heavy toll: more than 17,000 people dead, 1500 missing, and 79,500 displaced.36 After the 12-Point Agreement was signed by the Seven Party (SPA) and the CPN (Maoist) on 22 No vember 2005, the CPN (Maoist) abandoned violence, and agreed to put their armed combatants into 28 cantonments and weapons in the containers of the UN Mission in Nepal (UNMIN).37 Nepal&#8217;s peace process officially concluded on 12 April 2013.38 Nepal&#8217;s peace process was entirely driven by the Nepali political parties and their col lective resolution to conclude it. It was entirely a home-grown approach to conflict resolution and peace building, which have the inherent capacity to inspire the war torn and conflict inflicted countries. Also, the support of the international community from countries like India, China, Switzerland, Denmark, European Union (EU), Finland, Germany, Norway, and the United Kingdom was significant in taking Nepal&#8217;s peace process to a logi cal conclusion39 The end of violent conflict in Nepal and its peace process offers a unique case study for the discipline of peace studies. Above all, Nepal&#8217;s peace process witnessed a very interdisciplinary approach.<\/p><h1>Policy of Appeasement<\/h1><p>It is a foreign policy goal based on the assumption that pacifying an aggressive state will avert the escalation of conflict and eventually prevent the outbreak of war. In the 1930s, France and Britain pursued a policy of appeasement with Adolf Hitler.40 The term appeasement itself is generally used to describe the Munich Settlement (1938) which gave Germany virtual command of Eastern Europe and invaded Poland.41 Photo Credit: Prakash Dahal 307\u00a0 The criticism of appeasement consists in the fact that aggressive states are hardly satisfied by such policies. Instead, yielding to their demands simply nurses their thirst for power. The Munich agreement, not only consolidated Hitler&#8217;s power on Eastern Europe, but the policy of appeasing him also failed disastrously. Instead of averting war in Europe, the agreement made war possible by tilting the balance of power in Germany&#8217;s favor. Most probably, if the West had adequately been equipped to go to war in time to protect Czechoslovakia against Germany, the Second World War might have been prevented, because it was the annexation of the Sudetenland that made Hitler a more formidable enemy than he otherwise could have been.42 Hitler&#8217;s expansionist aims were clearly stated in Mein Kampf (My Struggle). In the late 1930s he spread a propaganda campaign against the Czechoslovak government, claiming that it was oppressing the Sudeten Germans. While the Sudeten Germans were be ing barred from government positions for linguistic reasons displeasing many Sude ten Germans, Hitler grabbed the opportunity to turn Sudetenland over to German control and pressed his claims against Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, paying no heed to Hitler&#8217;s expansionist claims, the western states, instead, insisted on international conference to resolve the matter. As a result, Munich agreement gave the control of Sudetenland to Germany, with Britain and France guaranteeing the newly drawn borders of Czechoslovakia. Although Hitler pledged not to go to war, he invaded Czechoslovakia and occupied the entire country.43 The policy of appeasement has acquired a pejorative implication, as pacifying an aggressive state symbolizes sacrifice of sovereignty, political independence, and terri torial integrity. In the post-world war period, it was associated with the weakness and cowardice, unlike the view of the realist school, where appeasement is regarded as an integral part of the balance of power process, which aims to maintain order and pre vent the occurrence of great power conflict. In this sense, the policy of appeasement becomes akin to the spirit of accommodation, when attempts are made to facilitate peaceful change. Appeasement in Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy, in different periods of history, needs to be analyzed from the same perspective of accommodation. Strategically located be tween India and China, Nepal has been appeasing both the immediate neighbors, in a way significantly different from the one Britain and France pursued with Hitler in 1930s, but only to fulfill its national interests. Nepal has never appeased one against the other as Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy itself believes in amity with all and enmity with none. The way Nepal adopted a neutral stance during the tense Sino-Indian border standoff in Doklam was the outcome of appeasing both the neighbors at once, with the conventional tactics of neutrality and non-alignment. Likewise, Nepal&#8217;s former Prime Minister Prachanda&#8217;s proposal of the trilateral partnership between China, Nepal, and India was an attempt not to appease one against another but both the neighbors at once.44 However, even after his unplanned trilateral meeting with Chi nese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Modi in Goa on the sidelines of 308\u00a0 the BRICS-BIMSTEC Outreach Summit in October of 2016, India still reiterated its reluctance over trilateralism. Chinese academicians and scholars are often heard referring to Nepal as a bridge between China and South Asia, not only economically, as Prachanda proposed, but also strategically. But any attempt to appease one against another would be strategically hazardous for Nepal. What inspires Nepal to appease the neighborhood is also the impact of its geopo litical vulnerability in the region. It has been always so since the formation of modern Nepal in the latter part of the 18th century. Nepal&#8217;s neighborhood foreign policy, in theory, may be directed by the principles of neutrality, equidistance, and non-align ment, but they are not the result of the internal political reforms or political change. They are the historical traits that Nepal has borne since its unification.45 During the Rana regime, the policy of appeasement reached its peak. Jung Bahadur Rana left no stone unturned to appease Britain to protect his regime. He even assisted British India in repressing the Sepoy Mutiny in Lucknow in 1857. Chandra Shumsher went a step forward to appease the British by helping the British mission to Tibet led by Colonel Younghusband in 1903. Chandra Shumsher also sent Nepali troops to support Britain during the World War I. Even after the fall of British colonialism in India, Rana Prime Minister Mohan Shumsher tried to appease independent India in hope of support for his rule from New Delhi.46 The policy of appeasement has helped Nepal to accommodate the interests of the major powers in Nepal, but without compromising its own National interest. Nepal&#8217;s decision to join China-led Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) not only indicates its in terest to accommodate China&#8217;s interest but also reflects Nepal&#8217;s economic aspirations in the global value chain. Nepal&#8217;s appeasement is not limited to its neighborhood, however. Deliberations over US-sponsored MCC project and its approval by the par liament of Nepal indicate Nepal&#8217;s preparedness to accommodate the interests of the United States in Nepal.<\/p><h1>Policy of Capital Control<\/h1><p>It refers to the government&#8217;s measures, mainly taken by the central bank to limit the flow of capital in or out of the domestic economy. Countries may impose capital control to ensure stability in their economies. Usually, such regulatory measures are intended to manage the capital account of a country&#8217;s balance of payments and, thus, restrict the movement of capital in and out of the national economy.47 Typically, countries initiate such measures by imposing restriction on cross-border trade in assets. The global financial crisis of 2008 reignited the discourse on the routine exercise of capital control to regulate the domestic economic and financial cycles. Following the global financial crisis, a new policy paradigm appeared that identified capital con trol as a preventive measure in maintaining financial stability by limiting the growth of credit and preventing the buildup of systemic risk.48 309\u00a0 Capital controls aim to manage a wide range of cross-border transac tions, including money transfers, di rect investment, bank loans, portfolio investment, and other financial assets carried out by non-residents and resi dents in a country.49 It combines offi CAPITAL cial, legal, and quasi-legal instruments CONTROL and may take different forms includ CLEAN. YOUR SIEPLENS ing taxation on cross-border flows, MONEY HERE unremunerated reserve requirements, SELF &#8211; SERVICE investment caps, minimum stay re quirements, multiple exchange rate system, credit regulations, and out right prohibitions on certain types of capital movements.50 Capital controls Photo Credit: Bretton Woods Project can be divided into three types: quan tity-based, price-based, and regulatory. Quantity-based controls explicitly prohibit capital amount transactions through a ban on investment in money market and by limiting the foreign ownership of domestic financial assets. For instance, in 1998, Malaysia introduced quantity-based capital controls to eradicate offshore ringgit market.51 However, price-based control aims to regulate the volume of capital trans actions, which may be through tax or through the imposition of unremunerated re serve requirements on certain types of capital inflows, as Chile did in 1990s. Also, in 2009, Brazil imposed the 2 percent tax on foreign portfolio investments.52 Regulato ry controls include both mechanisms, the price-based and quantity-based. Emerging market economies (EMEs) quite often use regulatory controls to maintain financial stability.53 Nepal&#8217;s constitution encourages foreign capital. Article 51(d) encourages foreign capital and technological investment in areas of import substitution and export pro motion, in consonance with national interest, and embolden and mobilize such invest ment in infrastructure building.54 The same article also calls for obtaining of foreign assistance transparency, while making the national requirements the foundation for obtaining foreign assistance and integrating amounts received in form of foreign assis tance in the national budget.55 Article 51 (d) also provides for utilizing knowledge, skill, technology, and capital of the nonresident Nepalese in the national development.56 Nepal pursues a liberal foreign investment policy and intends to produce an investment-friendly environment to attract more FDIs.57 Foreign Investment Policy, 2014 aims at attracting foreign capital, skill, technology, and knowledge in the na tional priority sectors.58 For Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), Nepal has introduced several rules and regulations including Foreign Exchange (Regulation) Act, 1963; 310\u00a0 Foreign Investment and Technology Transfers Act, 1992; Contract Act, 2000; In come Tax Act, 2002; Company Act, 2006; Private Investments in Infrastructure Act, 2006; Industrial Enterprises Act, 2016; and Investment Board Act, 2011. Although there is a necessity to update these laws in the present context, Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Act (FITTA), Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA), and Labor\/Immigration Act are crucial for establishing a firm under FDI.59<\/p><h1>Policy of Containment<\/h1><p>Containment was the strategy by which the USA waged the Cold War. It had a mul- tiplicity of connotations at its commencement and throughout the forty-five years of its Cold War history. The main objectives of containment were to prevent the spread of Soviet power and Communist ideology. Yet, it was never a defensive strategy; it was considered an instrument to attain victory in the Cold War.60 In early 1946, dip lomat George F. Kennan sent an eight-thousand-word telegram to Washington, DC, known as the &#8220;long&#8221; telegram. Kennan in the telegram explained that Soviet leaders were exploiting the idea of capitalist encirclement to justify their totalitarian rule at home, and willing to expand everywhere, and would not negotiate in good faith, because they understood only the reasoning of force.61 In July 1947, in an article in Foreign Affairs entitled &#8220;Source of Soviet Conduct&#8221; Kennan claimed that &#8220;the political personality of Soviet power as we know it today is the product of ideology and circumstances.&#8221; 62 The Kremlin&#8217;s political action, accord ing to Kennan, &#8220;is a fluid stream which constantly moves wherever it is allowed to move toward a given objective.63 Its key concern is to make sure that it has filled every nook and cranny accessible to it in the basin of world power. However, if it finds unassailable barriers in its path, it accepts these philosophically and accommodates itself to them.&#8221; 64 The suitable strategy, consequently, was containment. &#8220;It is clear that the chief component of any United States policies toward the USSR must be that of an en during, patient but firm and observant containment of expansive Russian propensi ties.&#8221; 65 The Soviet assault on the free institutions of the Western world, Kennan high lighted, could &#8220;be contained by the adroit and vigilant application of counter-force at a series of constantly shifting geographical and political points, corresponding to the shifts and maneuvers of Soviet policy, but which cannot be charmed or talked out of existence.&#8221; 66 Nevertheless he also thought that the Soviet Union was fundamentally weak, its inhabitants were &#8220;physically and spiritually tired,&#8221; and its economy suscep tible. The problems afflicting the country could not be overcome, if the &#8220;unity and efficacy&#8221; of the party were interrupted, and Kennan predicted, &#8220;Soviet Russia might be transformed overnight from one of the strongest to one of the weakest and most pitiable of national societies.&#8221; 67 311\u00a0 In November 1948, the newly formed National STOP Communism! Security Council agreed on a policy reckoning US objectives concerning the USSR. In times of peace as well as times of war, US objectives were: \u00b7 To condense the USSR&#8217;s power and in fluence to limits that no longer establish a danger to the peace, national indepen dence, and stability of the world family of nations. 68 \u00b7 To convey a fundamental change in in ternational relations by the governments in Russia&#8217;s power, to conform to the re IT&#8217;S EVERYBODY&#8217;S JOB solves and principles outlined in the UN charter.69 Photo Credit: Oriental Review In what became known as the Truman Doctrine, the US president projected military aid to Greece and Turkey and professed that the United States would contest total itarian expansion everywhere. Containment meant that Soviet influence and Com munist ideology should be limited inside the areas employed by the forces of the Soviet Union at the end of World War II. In June 1947, the United States proclaimed the Marshall Plan to help rebuild Europe. The North Atlantic Treaty was also signed as part of a dual containment policy to counter Soviet Russia and a future Germany, whose political direction and future alignment was far from convincing.70 The primary focus of containment was on Western Europe, western Germany, and Japan. However, very rapidly, US officials extended efforts in the industrial core of Eurasia that depended on containing Communist sway and Soviet power in the boundary of Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa. Later, Truman re invigorated the strategy to rethink the nature of containment. Kennan&#8217;s influence diminished as most of his colleagues favored rearmament, military alliances, and con tainment on the periphery.71 In early 1950, Paul Nitze composed a new strategy doc ument known as NSC 68 whose overall objective was to &#8220;raise a world environment in which the American system can survive and flourish.&#8221; To attain this objective, the United States had to practice containment. Containment meant blocking the expansion of Soviet power, revealing the inaccuracies of Soviet pretenses, encouraging a retraction of Soviet control, and fostering the seeds of demolition within the So viet system. In order to achieve these goals, military rearmament was indispensable. Military capabilities, Nitze stressed, establish the &#8220;indispensable backdrop.&#8221; Contain ment, thus, became a &#8220;strategy of calculated and gradual coercion&#8221; which without greater military power, would be no more than &#8220;a policy of bluff.&#8221; 72 After 1952, Dwight D. Eisenhower practiced containment without overtaxing the economy and bankrupting the US treasury. He and John Foster Dulles, the then 312\u00a0 secretary of state, talked of brinksmanship and massive retaliation. Air-atomic ca pabilities, they elucidated, were cheaper than conventional forces.73 So were covert actions and psychological warfare. Should any single state fall to communism, he dreaded, it would have a &#8220;domino&#8221; effect on its neighbors. Eisenhower and Dulles believed that the United States had to continue to follow the containment policy but, astutely, reasonably, secretly so that the nation did not become a garrison state,74 and President J.F. Kennedy practiced containment through fiscal and monetary policy, and more economic aid to the emerging nations in Africa and Asia. When Kennedy was assassinated, Lyndon B. Johnson strengthened these efforts. To contain com munism, Johnson positioned over five hundred thousand troops to Indochina and extended the bombing of North Vietnam.75 After winning the presidency in 1968, Richard Nixon planned to keep contain ment active through an erudite mix of d\u00e9tente, rapprochement, and military support. Similarly, President Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, employed the containment policy to tackle the communist growth.76 Therefore, the USSR&#8217;s Containment during the Cold War period was thus a strategic policy of the USA. During that era, regional conflicts were also produced as proxy conflicts which performed the essential service of preventing a confrontation between the superpowers. Such a bipolarity vanished with the end of Cold War. Today, the new containment strategies are now focused on regional conflicts, less because there is greater moral apprehension to prevent loss of lives than out of the perceived need to prevent regional conflicts from spreading, and from concerns over weapons of mass destruction.77 During the Cold War, Nepal exercised its foreign policy of non-alignment and neutrality. Located between Communist China and democratic India, Nepal was a participant in the Bandung Conference of 1955, and displayed its posture as a non-aligned state.78 Nepal remained neutral state during the Cold War, preserved its independent identity by not involving or entangling itself in power politics, power rivalries, or alliance systems, whether global or regional. Nepal pursued an effective, independent foreign policy without allowing itself to be aligned with any state, or without allowing itself to be brought within the sphere of influence or under the pressure or threat of others in a position to use force.79 Nepal has, thus, taken refuge in non-alignment at the bilateral, global, and regional levels. At the global level, it maintained friendly relations with several countries allied in two opposing camps. At the regional level, Nepal practiced non-alignment to maintain relations in an equal degree with its immediate neighbors, and bilaterally Nepal used these policies as a strategic maneuver not to get involved in any strategic alliances.80 Nepal&#8217;s strategic autonomy was visible during the Cold War from the manner Nepal was able to draw aid and assistance for its infrastructural development from both the superpowers. Nepal&#8217;s response to the escalation of conflicts during the Cold War was driven by its policy of World Peace and adherence to international law. 313<\/p><h1>Policy of Isolationism<\/h1><p>The policy of isolationism emphasizes on how peace and economic development can best be attained, in isolation, precisely by isolating one&#8217;s state from the system of alliance formation and commitments to multilateralism, regionalism and interna tional organizations. But isolation shouldn&#8217;t be understood only as the act of absolute disconnectedness or total aloofness.81 Taking no part in alliances does not necessarily signals the policy of isolationism.82 The exercise of isolationism, in the American context, can be traced back to US foreign policy before the War of Independence, but even then, the U.S. was not com pletely detached from the global affairs. Instead, many American isolationists pushed for escaping state&#8217;s participation in &#8220;entangling alliances&#8221; as Thomas Jefferson did.83 It also indicated an unwillingness of the United States to get involved in European alli ance and wars because the isolationists believed that the US could advance the cause of freedom and democracy by means other than war. The foundation of American isolationism rest in Thomas Paine&#8217;s famous paper Common Sense, published in 1776.84 Prominently, after twenty years as an independent nation, President George Washing ton brought the intent of isolationism in his Farewell Address. The isolationism of the United States was also visible during the early years of World War II. Charles A. Lindbergh addressed the Congress and emphasized on the significance of isolationism. To Lindbergh, one of the members of the America-First Committee organized in Sep tember 1940, isolationism &#8220;does mean that America&#8217;s future will not be tied to these eternal wars in Europe. It means that American boys will not be sent across the ocean to die so that England or Germany or France or Spain may dominate the other nations.&#8221; 85 Photo Credit: Financial Times 314\u00a0 The isolationist posture resurfaced after a long time in 2016 presidential election when former US President Donald Trump articulated the isolationist policy in his cam paign slogan- &#8220;America first&#8221;.86 America First was professed in Trump&#8217;s foreign policy ideology from the very beginning. President Trump intended to withdraw troops and resources from the main zones of U.S. interest in Syria, Afghanistan, and the Korean Peninsula.87 He openly condemned globalism and multilateralism and was publicly aggressive about traditional American allies, particularly those in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.88 Trump asserted the idea of curbing unrestricted immigration to the United States by building walls, pressurizing Mexico to reform their immigration policies, and necessitating unique exams for those wishing to enter the USA. Under the Trump administration, the USA became the first country to withdraw from the Paris Climate Change Agreement in 2017 officially, and later in 2018 from the Human Rights Council.89 These policies of Donald Trump display the USA&#8217;s policy of isolation ism in the 21st century, but Trump administration was also conscious that it cannot remain fully isolated because of the interdependent nature of the international system. Trump&#8217;s policy is a form of isolationism in a new way.90 Another instance of isolationism in the current times is BREXIT. Britain&#8217;s exit from the European Union (EU) has functioned to convey the British variant of isolationism. Leaders from the UK contend that Brexit does not involve a turn to isolationism and that the UK proposes to remain a global leader in international diplomacy, security, trade and finance, and development aid.91 Nevertheless, Brexit has separated the UK from the EU, which has installed fear into other states that they would have no substi tute to standing &#8216;shoulder to shoulder&#8217; with the US in a future military conflict.92 Nepal in its early days did opt for the policy of isolation, because of its geographical location, and the fast-changing political scenario in the sub-continent. King Prithvi Narayan Shah, realizing the geostrategic position of Nepal, advised Nepal&#8217;s rulers to go for an independent foreign policy.93 After the end of Anglo-Nepal War in 1816, for survival of the whole nation and the rulers, Nepal opted for isolation.94 After 1846, Jung Bahadur and Premiers after him kept good relations with Brit ain.95 The ties of relation became closer with Britain after Nepal assisted the Britain to suppress India&#8217;s first war of independence in 1857.96 British presence in the southern borders, the decline of China, and the interest in safeguarding their family rule in Ne pal led to Nepal&#8217;s isolation from the rest of the world which also served to sustain the country&#8217;s independence.97 Until the introduction of democracy in Nepal in 1950, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy was isolationist and British-centric. The trade was limited mainly to British-India and Tibet and had no connections with other states of the world formally until late 1940s. 315<\/p><h1>Political Realism<\/h1><p>Realism has a distinct role to play in International Relations since it functions as the tool of practical lessons on the history of statecraft. As a theory, it is used to explain the rationale of political actions in the world or to designate specific foreign pol icy\/security policy or strategy driven by self-help and security dilemma.98 Political Realism has a robust historical back ground. It was realized over 2000 years ago in the DR. MORGENTHAU literature of ancient Chinese strategists including Sun Tzu.99 Around the same period in Greece, Thu ON IONSEIDNUP cydides explained the Peloponnesian War (431-415 Photo Credit: Getty Images BC), concentrating on comparative power amongst the Greek City-states100 that evolved the early theories on political realism. Much later, in Renaissance Italy in about 1500, Niccolo Machiavelli encouraged Italian princes to focus on practical actions to stay in power and pay attention to war above all else.101 However, many realists trace their academic legacy of realism to political philosophers as Thomas Hobbes (1588 &#8211; 1679) who supposed that humans have an impulse to control, an animus dom inandi, and a natural, animal-like character to increase power as an end in itself. Realism became the leading method to revisiting international relations after the Second World War. Scholars like Hans Morgenthau, Kenneth Waltz, E. H. Carr, Henry Kissinger, and others contended that international politics is administered by independent, universal laws found ed on national interest defined as power.102 The dynamic canons of neo-realism were most clearly outlined in two main works of the late 1970s: Hedley Bull&#8217;s The Anarchical Society and Kenneth Waltz&#8217;s Theory of International Relations.103 Realism is, thus, a school of thought that elucidates international relations in terms of power. The exercise of power by states in each other&#8217;s direction is sometimes called &#8216;realpo litik&#8217; or &#8216;power politics&#8217;. From the realists&#8217; viewpoint, the international system is anarchical. It is anarchical because relations among states take place in the absence of a world govern ment. Therefore, international relations are best understood by concentrating on the distribution of power amongst the states. 104 Power is vital to the realists&#8217; explanation of international relations, and the uneven distribution of power means that the do main of international relations is a site of power politics&#8217;.105 Realists consider that the struggles of states to secure their conflicting national interests are the chief action on the world stage. Realists also hold that power regulates and that politics is intended to increase, keep, or represent power. As their point of departure, Realists understand states&#8217; pursuit of power and that brings to the front the centrality of military strength in power and conflict yielding a world of multiple sovereignty.106 The school of Realism, like many other concepts in International Relations theory, 316\u00a0 has now sprouted into a wide variety of forms. Glen Snyder states, there are now, in the arena of contemporary international relations, two types of structural dashes of realism, three types of offensive realism and various kinds of defensive realism.107 Michael Doyle recognizes four types of realism (Thucydides&#8217; Complex Realism, Machiavelli&#8217;s Fun damentalist Realism, Hobbes&#8217; Structural Realism and Rousseau&#8217;s Constitutional Real ism)108 and John Mearsheimer differentiates among three separate branches of realism: Human Nature Realism, Offensive Realism and Defensive Realism.109 Hans J. Mor genthau took up the study of classical concept of realism focusing on human nature; Kenneth Waltz explained defensive (structural) realism; Stephen Brook&#8217;s neo-realism and post-classical realism,110 and Gideon Rose&#8217;s neoclassical realism.111 Given the opinion that the spirit of politics is the power struggle, Realism reiterates that states and their leaders are obliged to base their foreign policy on a Darwinian notion of the world in which power is the key to the survival of the fittest. This should not be construed to mean that realists are amoral. Indeed, Morgenthau contends that the state&#8217;s highest moral duty is to do good for its citizens. But he also says that it is unacceptable for a state to follow a policy based on morality because &#8216;while the individual has a moral right to sacrifice himself in defense of a moral principle, the state has no such moral conscience&#8217;.112 Despite the differences in its forms, political realism remains one of the most dominant IR theories in explaining the interstate relations. One key issue in South Asia is the conflict between India and China which can be explained through realism. India and China have faced border standoffs and skirmishes in history and their relations are still characterized by conflicts in the Himalayan borders.113 Standard realist accounts argue China is unwilling to permit India&#8217;s emergence as a power beyond South Asia. It is their realist policies that have guided India and China to expand their influence in their neighborhood and beyond. Because of the Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean region, it has prompted the Indian policymakers to develop the policy of strategic significance.114 Indian Foreign Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar holds that India should set its &#8220;China-policy&#8221; right through realism as the only way to shape its policy. Rooted in realism, China-India conflict is thus grounded on national security and economic priorities.115 In a larger context, the realist theory also helps to explain how US-China rivalry af fects the whole international system. The past years of U.S. relations with China have been marked by disputes, trade wars and diplomatic divergence that hold important messages for the contemporary policy-makers in Nepal. The rise of China economically and militarily and its strategic initiative- the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) may also trigger realist inter pretations.116 Those who hold a realist perspective in interpreting China&#8217;s rise offer several outstanding examples. Realist interpretations have also been bolstered by Xi Jinping&#8217;s dec laration of a &#8220;China Dream&#8221; for rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and to take over the United States as the world&#8217;s greatest military power.117. 317<\/p><h1>Population Growth<\/h1><p>Population growth specifies the change in population over time. Models of population growth include the Mal thusian Growth Model, propagated by British political economist Thomas Robert Malthus (1766-1834), in An essay on the principle of population as it affects the future improvement of soci ety,118 where he called attention to the disparity between the rate of popula tion growth and the slower increase in Photo Credit: The Conversation food supply. War, famine, and disease, he pointed out, are the factors result ing into population decline.119 Moreover, he argued that human populations tend to grow faster than the rate at which the means of human subsistence can grow, and humanity is thus condemned to live in poverty forever, because agricultural produc tion will constantly be overtaken by population growth. While population rises in geometric progression, agricultural production can only grow in arithmetic progres sion. 120 Malthus argued against the widely held view of his day that the size of pop ulation determines a nation&#8217;s resource and that fertility added to national wealth.121 Despite the caution raised by Mathus about rapid population growth, the size of population is one of the key elements of national power. In 1960 Clifford German produced a world power index that took the following form: G = national power = N (L+P+I+M), N is nuclear capability, L is land, P is population, I is the industrial base, and M is military size.122 A similar nonlinear (but somewhat more superficial) multivariable index was subsequently proposed by Wilhelm Fucks in 1965, who sought to derive national power from three summation variables of population size (p), energy pro duction (z), and steel production (z1), and others arranged in one of nine formulas for measuring national power (M), all of which were variants of one another and took the form of M = p2z, M = p3\/2z, etc.123 Thus, these definitions highlight population as a source of national power, implying that if there is population growth, there is increase in a nation&#8217;s power. Population size is also the source of market. Population can be used as a crude measure of market capacity to absorb demand for the trade in goods and service. Governments, corporations, and nongovernment organizations use demographics to learn more about a population&#8217;s characteristics for many purposes, including policy 318\u00a0 development and economic market research.124 China and India have mega popu lations, which are the markets for other countries and businesses, including Nepal. Not all countries are at the same level of economic development, indeed many of the markets with the largest populations are in Asia, and particularly the emerging economies. By developing different corridors in the Europe and Asia, China is now focused on large population to areas strengthening its economic clout. With, a pop ulation of 1.3 billion, India is the world&#8217;s second most populous country and thus holds enormous business potential due to its increasing middle class and the 2\/3 of the population, who still reside in the rural and remote areas. Strategically placed between these two heavily populous states, Nepal has a high prospect of market for Nepalese products. Nepal&#8217;s tourism sector also has an opportunity to attract the In dian and Chinese population.<\/p><h1>Postmodernism<\/h1><p>nd nd Postmodernist philosophies were introduced in studying international relations (IR) 1c following Der Derian and Shapiro&#8217;s seminal volume, International\/Intertextual Re lin lations; Postmodern Readings of World Politics.125 The word &#8220;postmodernism&#8221; usually is denotes an assemblage of philosophers comprising J. Derrida, M. Foucault, and J.F. p Lyotard, who were concerned with the misleading essentialist discourses of the mod ern era and their significance for the development of knowledge. When applied to IR, of postmodernism is frequently recognized with the postpositivist theories that critique an mainstream IR theories for latter&#8217;s&#8217; unending propensity towards state power and market. Postmodernism has an important moral obligation, too, which is absent in the traditional IR theories. 126 M Postmodernism marked a fundamental departure in interpreting realities in the the international politics. To a postmodern theorist, a single event may generate multi ple truths. After all, Postmodernism appeared in a complex political situation, after the end of the Second World War, particularly against the background of the Cold War and the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The advent of human rights, and the invention of the absurdism, surrealism, existentialism, nihilism, and deconstruction gave birth to the postmodernist thinking.127 Postmodernism is frequently represented as a highly theoretical, abstract ap proach to the study of international relations.128 An important postmodernist cri tique of mainstream IR theory is that neorealists and neoliberals feel the need to generate essentialist foundations for their theories, under the anxiety of falling into the void of the relative, the irrational, the arbitrary, and the nihilistic attributes. 129 Postmodernists contend that realists in IR, as all Western scholars, followed a very similar method of legitimization of knowledge. The primary description of the realist tra dition is their straight lineage from Thucydides to Machiavelli and then through Hobbes 319\u00a0 and other critical political philosophers of the Enlightenment. Dominant in the narrative is the artificial progressivism invented so that realism might appear to be well-founded. Postmodernism problematizes this narrative of lineage by exposing its flaws.130 As with any theory, the theory of postmodernism also has its own pros and cons, just like any other cultural singularities and theories. Postmodernist philosophies have always looked for the ways to destabilize central arguments of the western intellectual tradition by undermining and interrogating the existing realities through dispersal, review, and destruction. The objective is to construct new values.1749 Nonetheless, the most decried dimension of Postmodern is its dependence on the knowledge of dis ruption, destruction, and chaos. It does not suggest a realistic alternative to human, cultural and practical problems. It is hard to apply the insights of postmodernism because of its whimsicality and extremism. So, postmodernism expanded its strategy to emphasize unjust prejudices without having a moral, political, or social position.132 19bomizo9<\/p><h1>Power<\/h1><p>An idea of tremendous value in the scholarship of international relations, power holds a unique place in the realist school of thought, which has developed a whole theory of international relations around it. Hans Morgenthau sought to explain the concept in terms of interest; for Kenneth Waltz, distribution of power was the critical variable in determining an international system&#8217;s nature; and John Mearsheimer regards power as the currency of great power politics.133 Power thus appears, important and matters not only to the scholars of the real politik school, but all the theorists of international relations.134 Liberals comprehend power in relation to trade or soft power; Marxists in terms of production forces and capital; Constructivists in relations to norms; and the post-Structuralists in terms of discourses at a minimum; these explanations are how the standard and somewhat conventional accounts of these methods would like to have it.135 The excess of ap proaches to power tells us that in IR, there is no sole concept of power on which the discipline would unite. Explanations of power are significant because if one needs to theorize power, a definition that corresponds to the theoretical perspective is prerequisite. Some of the observers suggest that we reject the whole notion of a &#8216;power&#8217; favoring ideas such as &#8220;influence&#8217;. Robert Dahl argues, &#8220;A has power over B to the extent that he can get B to do something that B would not otherwise do,&#8221;136 Waltz says power should be well-de fined in relation to the sources of power, contending that &#8220;when we speak of power, we mean a man&#8217;s control over the minds and actions of other men&#8221;. 137 Morgenthau names eight elements of power: geography, natural resources, industrial capacity, na tional character, national morale, military preparedness, population, and quality of diplomacy. He later adds government quality to the list.138 Waltz notes size of popu 320\u00a0 lation and territory, resource endowment, economic capability, military strength, po litical stability, and competence. The most shared nomenclature of numerous power instruments used in the revision of international politics is founded on distinctions among military, economic, and cultural or ideological power.139 Joseph Nye (2004) distinguishes between hard and soft power, the former including military and eco nomic means, 140 and the latter founded on fascination and co-option pointing out that soft power is becoming more operative than ever in international relations.141 The taxonomies of power mostly deal with the direct forms of power. Andrew Bennett and Raymond Duvall, on the other hand, have designed a taxonomy of power that differentiates among compulsive, institutional, structural, and productive power. 142 Compulsory power involves direct control by one actor of the actions and conditions of another.143 Institutional power denotes an actor&#8217;s capability to control another indirectly.144 Structural power concerns the structural relations that relate to themes such as master-slave and capital-labor.145 And, productive power works through diffuse social processes such as discourses and systems of knowledge that build up significance and individuality.146 Power is a multifaceted and challenging idea, in large part because there are sig nificant but distinctive ways to comprehend how social relations shape the destinies and selections of actors. No single idea can capture the forms of power in international politics. The taxonomy intended to inspire scholars to see the various forms of power in international politics and the connections between them have intensely invigorated scholars to envisage how various forms interrelate to sharpen empirical analysis.147 For most of history, hard power was the standard in practice, primarily until the early Cold War era. While people had already realized the importance of ideas and culture as potent influencing tools to realize policies, the changes in the current world order are already weakening the role that hard power claimed in conventional politics and globalization, interdependence, the rise of trans-national actors, resurgence of nationalism in weak states, spread of military technology, and the changed nature of international political problems all now underscore the rising importance of soft power over hard power.148 Many states have now begun to use soft power rather than hard in their external relations. On the other hand, also the concept of soft power has its own weak points. First ly, soft power resource as cultural influence does not equal political power. 149 Second ly, the desirability of soft power strategies&#8217; outcomes depends on circumstances that states cannot necessarily influence.150 Nepal&#8217;s soft power ambitions, too, are not free from problems. Unless the policy makers reckon Nepal&#8217;s soft power capabilities only by limiting them to the culture and nature, without devising appropriate institutions to yield fruits out of the soft power strategies, Nepal&#8217;s soft power foreign policy skills may not capitalize on effective diplomacy. 321<\/p><h1>Preventive Diplomacy<\/h1><p>Projected initially by Dag Hammarskjold, United Nations Secretary General (1953- 1961), the idea of preventive diplomacy suggests conflict prevention. It is &#8220;one of the most original contributions in the system of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace and international security&#8221;.151 Preventive diplomacy is an act of preventing opposition amongst parties before their acceleration into a conflict.152 In the context of the relationship between preventive diplomacy and conflict prevention, some contend preventive diplomacy as an element of broader conflict prevention, while others believe the two ideas are independent. The array of processes establishing preventive diplomacy varies suggestively and conditional on which defi nition is being used.153 As a model, the concept has progressed significantly since its beginning, and its field has become progressively congested, with actors comprising NGOs, governments, and international, regional, and sub-regional organizations, where local, state, and regional actors along with a new network of INGOs, play an increasingly important role.154 As a significant component in the areas of the United Nations, preventive diplomacy is the greatest humanitarian element and the most cost-effective track for the international community to resolve disputes. Though the UN Charter combines all three approach es &#8212; peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peacebuilding-in the UN&#8217;s configuration, other establishments like the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM), Organi zation of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and various non-governmental organizations (NGOs) give importance on preventive approaches for dispute settlement but they differ from preventive diplomacy because of cost as well as risk effectiveness.155 Preventive diplomacy is a share of governments&#8217; preventive action to keep the clashes from accelerating into violence.156 International preventive action is a broader concept that comprises tools targeted at specific clashes and actors beyond govern ments. An international prevention regime would entitle activities, standards, or or ganizations that reinforce all alternatives to violent conflict.157 Preventive diplomacy comprises good offices, conciliation, facilitation, media tion, adjudication, and arbitration, while conflict prevention is more comprehensive. Initiating actions such as reinforcing human rights oversight mechanisms and strug gles to address the origin reasons for conflict, such as improvements in governance, social and economic well-being, equality, and shared management of resources, Pre ventive diplomacy, today, is accompanied by a more comprehensive array of actors, using a broader range of tools than ever before. 158<\/p><h1>Principle of Managed Trade<\/h1><p>Two significant trends have dominated the post-war history of trade policy in major industrialized states. Firstly, the dramatic multilateral reduction in tariffs negotiated 322\u00a0 under the GATT. Secondly, the move toward &#8220;special&#8221; protection that has occurred as the industrialized states of the world have become more integrated and volatility in trade flows has become a more critical source of domestic disruption. The rise in particular protection forms is epitomized by the growing use of Voluntary Export Restraints (VERs), Orderly Market Arrangements (OMAs), and tailor-made tariffs that suit the needs of different sectors. States typically utilize these policy tools to limit the rate of expansion of imports or exports from which would occur under ab sent intervention.159 The term &#8220;managed trade&#8221; is often invoked to characterize these international trading environments since it consists of a relatively low &#8220;baseline&#8221; or &#8220;normal&#8221; level of protection combined with the use of superior protection to dampen the underlying changes in trade flows. 160 The theory of managed trade proposes that if the government obligates itself to subsidize its companies, external threats can be driven out. Governments can guarantee domestic companies&#8217; long-run viability by subsidizing the sunk costs of setting up enor mous operations with additional capability. Should the foreigners challenge the market, domestic corporations would weaken their prices by swelling volume and attaining lower unit costs. Another disagreement on managed trade is based on the conjecture that critical sectors of the economy are supposed to have links with other areas.161 The whole world supports free trade, but the world also practices managed trade. The trends now are toward more management, not less. In addition to steel, textiles, apparel, and agriculture which are well known as sectors in which trade is managed, automobiles, petroleum, military hardware, telecommunications equipment, and air craft are sectors in which half of all trade is already managed, and scholars argue that such activities belong to the regime of managed trade.162 The opponents of managed trade argue that it is little more than an income-sup port program for politically well-organized, protection seeking interests.163 The nation al and global interest would be served by a regime that acknowledges the reality of man aged trade yet promotes competition, innovation, and freer trade. In reality, of course, free trade has coexisted with various forms of managed trade ever since the dawn of organized commerce. Managed trade can have positive-sum benefits for the system as a whole in technological innovation, stabilization, and productive wealth diffusion. 164 In short, managed trade is a sophisticated disagreement for protection. In theory, the government is led to subsidize large domestic corporations to gain enormous trading partners&#8217; returns. One significance of this subsidy competition is that direct ed markets are more likely to remain close to small and medium-sized economies. If the latter pursue aggressive strategic trade policy, it can trigger reactions from their major trading partners. For trade-dependent economies, ease of access to other mar kets is essential.165 323<\/p><h1>Principle of Reciprocity<\/h1><p>Ever since Adam Smith contributed his economic thoughts to the classics of the eco- nomic discipline, political economy is linked with actions of exchange, and exchange, in turn, develops a pattern of reciprocity. But reciprocity does not reduce itself to simple altru ism or unconditional service or a modest mutual-action. The Latin term reciprocus means &#8220;going back and forth&#8221; (retro-procus), meaning giving and receiving. In other expressions, the fundamental matter of significance is a mutual exchange, not rationally corresponding to the idea of equal give and take.166 The form of reciprocity, with which mainstream standard economics was acquainted, is essentially driven by the market exchange and founded on a contractual structure with the dissemination of game theory. Development Economics has also established an approach of looking at reciprocity, the one designated and restructured within the outline of the so called folk-theorem: in exchanges, where cooperation is the long-run paramount strategy, but defection and opportunism are the preeminent one-shot strategy. Reciprocity can arise and withstand cooperation if the relations are recurrent for an unlimited number of times. The two reciprocity practices- the contractual and the repeated- designate, de facto, cooperative behavior within the regular homo oeconomicus&#8217;s reasoning.167 Self-interest is all that is needed from a motivational standpoint. Altruism, intrinsic motivation, fairness (the keywords of the &#8220;new&#8221; reciprocity) is not compulsory for this kind of reciprocity.168 Reciprocity in contemporary social sciences and academics usually aims at something more than the traditional understanding about reciprocity and cooperation. Reciprocity turns out to be a much more multifaceted belief that permeates a much broader class of circumstances than those defined both by contractual exchange and by the folk theorem. Many primary studies on reciprocity were constructed on altruism postulation, but it soon became apparent that mere altruism could not provide a satisfactory explanation for irregu larities; they needed assumptions to be more sophisticated from the relational and motiva tional standpoint. Other theories familiarized the stream through the 1990s principles such as warm glow, iniquity aversion, trust responsiveness, team thinking, etc.169 In behavioral economics and reciprocity, they accept that players&#8217; utilities depend on the payoffs attained and the kindness and reciprocity they professed during the game (situation). Many other economists use the expressions &#8220;positive reciprocity&#8221; and &#8220;negative reciprocity&#8221; to denote a kind of response to a kind action and a hostile answer to hostile action.170 They also find that these reactions, be they kind or unkind, cannot be elucidated on account of self-regard ing inclinations absorbed at material gains in the case of reciprocity. The outcomes of the &#8220;Zurich school&#8221; recommend that reciprocity is a kind of rule capable of endorsing coopera tive relationships ensuing in an increase of collective wellbeing, particularly in those contexts in which it is not conceivable or possible to work out a contractual constraint. 171 In a &#8220;public good&#8221; scenario, each person is donated with a particular stock of money, and the person must choose the amount of the stock they want to underwrite to the public domain (the public good). At the end of the game, every person will be remunerated with their contribu 324\u00a0 tion and part of the total support to the public domain, on the condition that a minimum amount has been achieved to realize the public good. This situation can also be construed as a prisoner&#8217;s dilemma game with n players, where each person has noncooperation as their central strategy, essentially consequential in a non-cooperative result.172 Reciprocity is both an essential feature of social exchange and a foundation of societal cooperation and solidarity. Forms of exchange in which actors reciprocate unilateral acts of giving, either directly or indirectly, endorse bonds of trust, emotional regard, and harmo ny through growing risk and uncertainty and muting conflict&#8217;s salience. Actors involved in these forms of exchange experience an essentially different relationship than actors who transfer bilateral agreements with binding terms.173 Geographically located between two Asian giants, India and China, Nepal is landlocked from three sides and is highly dependent on India for economic activities. Yet, Nepal-India relation is based not only on dependence but also on interdependence and reciprocity. The 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the two states has also emphasized on the principles of reciprocity,174 particularly in terms of mobility, work, investment, and resi dence. But, owing to the disparity in relations to size, population and power between the countries, an absolute reciprocity may not be viable. Even if Nepali economy is highly de pendent on India, the Indian market is also largely focused on the Nepali market; Nepal is one state through which a high amount of remittance flow to India.175 Lower class popula tion of the northern states of India, because of the open border between the two countries, are dependent on the free market economy of Nepal. They are seen working as vendors, construction workers and footloose laborers in Nepal. The Nepal-India relationship, charac terized with &#8220;Roti-Beti&#8221; relationship is itself a reciprocal concept.176 The reciprocal relation ship between the two states in the matter of culture, identity, and religion shows Nepal-India relationship is ultimately based on the spirit of mutual interdependence between the two states. 177 People-to-people relations and the unimpeded trade practiced between the two countries have heightened the reciprocal relations between the two countries connected by the open borders.<\/p><h1>Prisoner&#8217;s Dilemma<\/h1><p>Prisoners&#8217; Dilemma is a small game popular as a paradigm to understand the problem of human cooperation. It is said to have been developed by Merrill Flood and Melvin Dresher of the Rand Corporation in 1951 and later formulated by AI Tucker. A prisoner&#8217;s dilemma always involves two &#8220;game players,&#8221; and each with a Photo Credit: University of Michigan 325\u00a0 choice between &#8220;cooperation&#8221; and &#8220;defection&#8221;. If the two players cooperate, they each do reasonably well; they each do moderately poorly if they both defect. If one player cooperates and the other defects, then the defector does exceptionally well, and the cooperator does exceptionally poorly. The prisoner&#8217;s dilemma characterizes many economic decisions where only a few members must choose individually and where the result is influenced not only by their own decision, but also by the other participants&#8217; decisions. This is frequently the case in oligopolistic situations.<\/p><h1>Protection of Civilians<\/h1><p>Civilians are the populace, who are not the military personnel or involved in any military ac tions. 178 The definition of the ci vilians is set forth in the Article 50 of the Additional Protocol I of the Geneva Convention.179 This accepted concept defines civilians as the people who are not part of the armed conflict. 180 Photo Credit: United Nation Later, the International Crimi nal Tribunal for the former Yu goslavia included the people who are no longer the part of armed conflict as well.181 People who take up the arms are also not considered civilians.182 However, the ci vilians and their protection becomes significant during the armed conflict, either international or non-international. Thus, the concept of &#8216;protection of civilians&#8217; is an important concept in the realm of humanitarian law, global peace, and international security. The protection of civilian is fundamental in ensuring international security and global peace. As a concept, the protection of civilians incorporates compliance of the international law in the armed conflict, expediting the humanitarian assistance, pro tection of the forcibly displaced people, women and children and protection through UN peace operations. 183 Moreover, the protection of the human rights also include compliance of the responsibility bearers to the international human rights law and humanitarian law. The protection of civilians also embraces the spirit of protection and promotion of human rights, child rights, women&#8217;s rights, peace and security, and conflict-related sexual violence.184 The protection of the civilians became an integral part of the United Nations since 1999.185 Since then, the United Nations Security Council has been actively involved in the protection of civilians through different tools and approaches.186 326\u00a0 The function of peace operations regarding the protection of civilians is outlined in both thematic and country-specific Security Council resolutions, as well as the De partment of Peace Operations&#8217; (DPO) Policy on the Protection of Civilians in UN Peacekeeping.187 The authority provided to peacekeeping operations in employing all necessary means, up to and including lethal force, to protect civilians under threat or immediate threat of physical violence, is a significant feature of the protection of civilians in peacekeeping.188 The DPO has formulated a three-tiered operation concept for the protection of the civilians: i. Protection through dialogue and engagement ii. Provision of Physical Protection iii. Establishment of a Protective Environment189 Protection of civilians has been a priority of many international organizations that keep individuals at the center. With the evolution of the discourse of human security, protecting civilians from the non-conventional threat is also emphasized. Among other regional entities, the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Or ganization (NATO) have unveiled their own policies and postures in protecting ci vilians from the conventional and non-conventional security threats.190 Still the con flicting views and interests of the member countries may procrastinate the prospect of devising a potential coordination to synergize their policies to protect the civilians.191 Although the issue has been incorporated in the high-level policies targeted to the situation of armed conflict, the humanitarians have realized that the humanitarian response is not enough to protect the lives and rights of the citizens.192 The mili tary component or the party involved in the armed conflict have a high-stake in the protection of the civilians. As such, they may also be able to contribute to a secure environment that allows humanitarian aid to be delivered. At the global level, reducing the humanitarian consequences of unchecked pro liferation and abuse of conventional weapons has long been the driving force behind conventional arms control and disarmament initiatives.193 Therefore, the comprehen sive, collaborative, and cooperative steps shall be taken to protect the civilians with the experience of ground reality.<\/p><h1>Public Goods<\/h1><p>Public goods are the goods with welfare targeted to a group of individuals. The inter- est in public goods can be traced back to classical economics. David Hume and Adam Smith held that government intervention is desirable in case of supply of goods and services categorized by collective welfare.194 If left to the impulsive action of individ 327\u00a0 uals or organizations, these goods would not be sufficiently delivered. Public goods are services or goods that can be consumed by numerous individu als instantaneously without decreasing the worth of consumption for any one of the individuals. 195 The situation where many individuals can consume the same good without weakening its value is termed as non-rivalry.196 Non-rivalry is what most powerfully differentiates public goods from private goods. Likewise, a pure public good has also the characteristic of non-excludability; that is, an individual cannot be prohibited from consuming the good whether the individual pays for it or not.197 Two characteristics typically differentiate public goods from private goods. Pure public goods are non-rival in consumption and non-excludable. Non-rivalry in con sumption means that public goods can be consumed by more than one person at a time, and the marginal cost of spreading the service to a supplementary individual user is zero. In this logic, non-rivalry generates market inadequacies concerning the allocation of these goods. 198 The second characteristic is the non-exclusion. Public goods are non-excludable when the good benefits are available to all once the good is delivered and nobody can be excluded from consumption.199 The typical definition of public goods could be construed to designate a good&#8217;s po tential of being public. It could be reaffirmed as: \u00b7 Goods have a singular possibility for being public if they have non-excludable and, non-rival benefits, or both. \u00b7 Goods are de facto public if they are nonexclusive and obtainable for all to consume. \u00b7 Global public goods are goods whose benefits spread to all states, people, and generations.200 Every public good cannot be presumed to deliver similar satisfaction to all population groups. However, there is an extensively held opinion that the public sphere should be fair and just, with a scope for civility and decency. Endorsing a fair and just public domain is precisely why the public wants to be more involved in decision-making on public goods. Global public goods are nothing new. Many, particularly the global natural com mons, comprise the atmosphere, the electromagnetic spectrum, the geostationary orbit, and the high seas. Moreover, as long as humans have been around, there also have been externalities with negative impact produced, many in an unnoticeable way, as with the production of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases, which could be regarded as negative global public goods,201 Properties of non-rivalry in consumption and non-excludability of benefits do not automatically determine whether a good is public or private. Second, public goods do not necessarily have to be provided by the state. All actors can, and increasingly do, con tribute to their provision. Moreover, a growing number of public goods are no longer just national in scope, but also embrace cross-border dimensions. Many of them today have become global and require international cooperation to materialize collective welfare. 202 328\u00a0<\/p><h1>Recognition<\/h1><p>The indefinite characteristics of the principle of recognition in international law have contributed a crucial academic debate. The &#8220;constitutive theory&#8221; perceives recogni tion as an act of state&#8217;s voluntary action. The &#8220;declaratory theory,&#8221; however deems recognition as more automatic.1 Recognition holds both legal and political conno tations, which means, the act is driven by both internal and external significance. The public international law embracing declaratory theory necessitates an instant ad mission of a newly independent state in international community.2 The constitutive theory is, however, equivalent to the positivist insight of international law.3 The political facet of recognition is manifested when the government of a recognizing state shows its willingness to recognize the newly independent state. Recognition is usually de jure or maybe de facto(which eventually enters into the process of de jure recognition, however).4 Recognition is simply achieved through diplomatic communications or through the establishment of negotiations, or by dispatching a diplomatic representative or consular agent to recognize a new government. Recognition may also be also achieved by receiving a diplomatic representative from the new government, or in a few instances, recognition is accorded by a collective treaty.5 Recognition of states commonly indicates acceptance of the recognized state&#8217;s position within the international community with the full range of rights and obligations, a state hood&#8217;s typical characteristics. To recognize a territorial unit as a state brings an opportunity to enter into any legal relations with the recognized state, such as diplomatic relations and bilateral conventions.6 Under the general international law, which executes state responsibility for external ac tions, recognition is established by a declaratory process. Such a methodology is essential to circumvent the scope of hostile confrontations. Any community that meets statehood&#8217;s morals must be treated with respect. The declaratory standard does not apply to matters that international law leaves to each state&#8217;s discretion, such as the exchange of diplomatic representatives, which may come under political recognition.7 The international law of recognition may well become unproductive in some of its branches and largely fail to reform the infringement of cultures and identities, unless it 335\u00a0 can end a situation of economic and cultural domination that detracts from the diversity of cultures and impedes the flourishing of identities. The act of recognition indeed carries some political reasons, but has its significances in the area of law. Non-recognition will not, therefore, unavoidably imply an absence of statehood.8 Nepal from the ancient days has been an independent and sovereign state which has foreign relations with other states. Nepal&#8217;s recognition as a sovereign state can be traced back to the 1816 Sugauli Treaty after the Anglo-Nepal War. But it was Nepal-Britain Treaty of 1923 that formally acknowledged and recognized Nepal as an independent nation. The treaty was also documented in 1925 in the League of Nations. In 1947, the Unites States of America was the second country to establish diplomatic relations with Nepal and for mally recognized Nepal. After this, Nepal established bilateral relations with more than 168 countries of the world.9 Nepal&#8217;s admission to the UN in 1955 was a significant step in the recognition of Nepal as a sovereign state at the international level. As a sovereign state, Nepal has also played an essential role in recognizing several states as independent states. After the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, Nepal was the seventh state to formally recognize Bangladesh and established diplomatic relation in 1972.10<\/p><h1>Refugees<\/h1><p>Throughout world history, societies have accepted the victims of persecu tion and violence. People continue to escape from threats to their lives and freedom, either from governments or for numerous reasons. People escaping their place of origin have been called &#8220;refugees&#8221;. It is only after the end of Second World War, states developed a specific framework to Photo Credit: UNHCR protect refugees, which is universal in its scope and is composed of two pillars: the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), created in December 1950; and the 1951 Convention relat ing to the Status of Refugees (the 1951 Convention), defining those who can benefit from their refugee status and comprising a certain set of rights.11 Article 1 (A) (2) of the 1951 Convention defines a refugee as a person who is out side his\/her country of nationality or habitual residence; has a well-founded fear of persecution because of his\/her race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or political opinion; and is unable or unwilling to avail of the protection of that country, or to return there, for fear of persecution.12 Relating to this defini tion, internally displaced persons (IDPs) imply persons fleeing natural disasters and 336\u00a0 generalized violence, stateless individuals not outside their state of habitual residence or not facing persecution, but individuals who have crossed an international border escaping generalized violence are not regarded as refugees.13 Earlier, several inadequacies were attached to the definition of refugee. Because, the defi nition of &#8220;persecution&#8221; was connected to only the five spheres outlined in the definition.14 Another limitation was related to the absence of a comprehensive integration between the definition of refugee and other human rights. Because, only the provisions on violations of civil and political rights were cited in determining the refugee status. Notwithstanding its universal vocation, it is worth observing that such a definition of refugee offered temporal and geographical limitation on an individual accepted as a refugee only to actions that oc curred in Europe and before 1 January 1951. Such limitations were removed sixteen years after adopting the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees.15 Because of intersectionality between the rights of refugees and the regime of human rights, refugees have been endowed with certain rights and privileges. The elementary prin ciple of refugee law -non-refoulement &#8212; denotes the obligation of States not to refoul, or return, a refugee, to &#8220;the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion.&#8221; 16 The freedom of movement is also a fundamental right for refugees within their host state, and the right to liberty and security of the person is essential in the setting of how asylum seekers are preserved within the envisioned state of refuge. The 1951 Convention also defends the other rights of refugees, such as the right to education, access to justice, employment, and other fundamental freedoms and privileges preserved in international and regional human rights treaties.17 International and regional instruments relating to refugees include 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees, 1967 Optional Protocol on the Status of Refugees, Universal Declaration of Human Rights (art. 14), American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man (art. 27), American Convention on Human Rights (art. 22),18 Council Regulation EC No 343\/2003 of 18 February 2003 establishing the criteria and mechanisms for deter mining the Member State responsible for examining an asylum application lodged in one of the Member States by a third country national, Council Directive 2004\/83\/EC of 29 April 2004 on minimum standards for the qualification and status of third country nationals or stateless persons as refugees or as persons who otherwise need international protection and the content of the protection granted,19 Cartagena Declaration on Refugees, Colloqui um on the International Protection of Refugees in Central America, Mexico and Panama (Cartagena Declaration), African [Banjul] Charter on Human and Peoples&#8217; Rights (art. 12), OAU Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of the Refugee Problem in Africa, Arab Charter on Human Rights (art. 28), Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam (art. 12), European Convention on Human Rights (arts. 2,3, and 5), Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (art. 3), African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa, and Convention on the Rights of the Child (art. 22).20 337\u00a0 Nepal is not a party to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (hereafter, Refugee Convention) and its 1967 additional Protocol. Nepal is also not a state party to the 1954 Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness.21 But Nepal is bound by international law to respect the principle of non-refoulement as enshrined in the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Article 3), to which Nepal is a state party.22 Nepal through its policies has attempted to resolve the problems of Bhutanese refugee. The government of Nepal and Bhutan had several rounds of talks to negotiate and resolve this through the categorization of refugees but the talks have failed to resolve the problem. Bhutan was found reluctant to rehabilitate the refugees and have been spending number of significant resources in the multilateral forums to tell their side of the story. Bhutanese refu gees were resettled later in third countries, especially in Europe and United States.23 Nepal also hosts many Tibetan refugees, which has, however, impacted Nepal&#8217;s &#8220;One China Policy&#8221; and its human rights diplomacy in the multilateral forums. Nepali govern ment has issued Tibetans Refugee Identity Cards (RCs), a state recognized document that allows holders to reside and have freedom of movement within Nepal. After the 2008 Beijing Olympics, which was responded by Tibetan refugees with act of aggressions and pro tests China, governments in Nepal have been obliged to take strict measures in preventing Tibetan refugees from crossing the Himalayan borders and entering Nepal. In July 2017, a &#8216;joint action center&#8217; in Rasuwa, Nepal, was established to ensure &#8220;cooperation between the two countries in border law enforcement.&#8221; 24 In October 2019, in a joint statement by the governments of Nepal and China, the Nepali side reiterated its &#8220;firm commitment&#8221; to the one China policy, acknowledged that &#8220;Tibetan affairs are China&#8217;s internal affairs,&#8221; and ex pressed its determination not to allow &#8220;any anti-China activities on its soil.&#8221; 25 In June 2018, while visiting China, Nepali Prime Minister KP Oli signed a joint statement with an almost an identical reference to curbing &#8220;anti-China&#8221; activities.26 While international communities and human rights defenders fall on Nepal to resolve the problems faced by refugees in Nepal, policy makers in Kathmandu also cannot avoid the geopolitical realities. Thus, a meticulous diplomacy is the best resort.<\/p><h1>Regime<\/h1><p>Donald Puchala and Raymond Hopkins contend that &#8220;a regime exists in every sub- stantive issue-area in international relations [ &#8230; ] whenever there is regularity in behav ior, some kinds of principles, norms or rules must exist to account for it.&#8221; 27 Stephen Krasner&#8217;s definition outlines regime as &#8220;implicit or explicit principles, norms, rules and decision-making processes around which actors&#8217; expectations unite in a given space of international relations.&#8221; 28 A more limited description treats regime as multilateral agreements amid states which wish to adjust national actions within an issue-area.29 338\u00a0 Regimes define the variety of approved state action by delineating explicit injunctions and frequently comprise rules which govern or identify their transformation.30 The primary reason for categorizing regimes is to help construct hypotheses about regime formation and regime consequences. Categorizing international regimes on the foundation of different types of principles and norms constitutes the most usual ap proach.31 Efforts to categorize regimes in terms of different types of rules usually draw on judicial and sociological theory. International regimes govern the interactions of actors in precise issue areas.32 It follows that regimes may differ on the number and type of actors involved, the type and scope of issues covered, and the problem structure. The number of factors contributing to an international regime may differ in regards to a set of variables impinging upon states&#8217; behavior.33 Regime formation, a topic that incorporates the restructuring of existing institu tional arrangements and the construction of new institutions where none have for merly existed, has thus developed as one of the dominant concerns of the &#8216;new institu tionalism&#8217; in International Relations.34 The study of regime formation can be broken down into three parts, although interrelated, themes. First is the elementary question of whether those parties concerned in each subject thrive in forming a regime or fail to conclude the terms of a mutually agreeable institutional arrangement. In cases where regime development is eventually successful, it is relevant to continue to a second topic by asking how long it takes to move from an issue on the active international agenda to the conclusion of an agreement setting forth a regime&#8217;s terms.35 Third, one may ask about the available content or character of the regimes produced to deal with interna tional questions. The context of studying regime formation can be assembled into six broad categories: the actors&#8217; behavior in regime formation, regime formation processes, driving social forces, cross-cutting factors, and multivariate models.36 Furthermore, regime development and change can be clustered into four groups: structural, game-theoretic, functional, and cognitive. These categories are reciprocally exclusive, and most convincing explanations can draw from more than one theoretical tradition concerning the structural category. The theory of hegemonic stability connects regime formation and preservation to the dominant power, and weakening regimes with a fading hegemon.37 Similarly, the strategic and game-theoretic approaches clarify strategic interactions and cope with a higher degree of complexity.38 The functional theory expli cates behaviors or institutions in terms of their effects and clarifies regime strength, pre dominantly the puzzle of why obedience to regimes inclines to persevere even when the structural conditions initially give rise to their changes.39 Cognitive theories explore what other approaches bracket. This approach emphasizes the examination of cooperation and the effects of international rules.40 In sum, the regimes repeatedly reallocate issue-specific resources among their associates and are not static complexes of rules and norms. They outline complex, long-term processes such as international regimes&#8217; impact on domestic structures where the international soci ety&#8217;s constitutive principles pose a tremendous analytical challenge. 339\u00a0 In Nepal, the domestic political regimes have their &#8220;explicit or implicit principles, norms, rules and decision-making processes around which move different actors&#8221; as stated by Krasner. Regarding Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy, various regimes at different points of time had assorted interests. Depending on those interests, each regime developed different structural, functional, and cognitive choices in creating and forming foreign policy. This categorization of regime in Nepal helps us to understand the foreign policy more appropriately. Rana regime had adopted British-centric foreign policy. Jung Bahadur&#8217;s rise in power after Kot Parva in 1846 established Rana regime and resulted in a significant redefinition of Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy. Nepal remained in isolation for many years and the Rana regime&#8217;s appeasement policy towards Britain ensured security for the regime.41 As a result, Nepal looked at the global problems from the British point of view. Bilateral relations became stra tegically closer when Nepal assisted the British colonizers in suppressing the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857.42 During the Rana days Nepal was thus isolated from the current of world opinion and confined its relations only with the British East India Company.43 After the end of Rana regime and introduction of democracy in 1950, different sets of rules, norms, and principles were taken into consideration while formulating the state&#8217;s foreign policy. In 1960, King Mahendra introduced the party-less governing system based on Panchayat which played its role in the development of foreign policy in Nepal.44 Before it was initiated in 1955, it had become a member of the United Nations and established diplomatic relations with China. The foreign policy was then heavily influence by the prin ciple of non-alignment, a product of Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and the Bandung Conference.45 Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy was thus guided by the principles of Panchasheel. Since then, non-alignment has remained as the guiding principle of Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy. Non alignment in fact, appeared on the scene as a historic necessity for Nepal and other states of the Third world that created opportunities for the peaceful political development of the countries against the backdrop of Cold War and suggested a middle path to deal with the global bipolarity.46 During the Panchayat Period, Nepal emphasized the policy of equidistance in its deal ings with the two immediate neighbors. Following the restoration of democracy in Nepal in 1990, the concept of equi-proximity was introduced to justify Nepal&#8217;s acts of balancing its gigantic neighborhood.47 Regime driven by the political philosophy of Constitutional Monarchy continued with the foreign policy of the Panchayat era including the policy of non-alignment based on the principles of Panchasheel. Compared to the principles of equi distance, Nepal&#8217;s principle of &#8220;equi-proximity&#8221; was deemed as a more positive policy based on mutual trust, equal benefit, and cooperation.48 However, due to the changing nature of international relations and politics, the foreign policy of the new democratic regime, today, is based on Panchasheel, UN Charter, democracy, human rights, international law, world peace, multilateralism, and international cooperation.49 The foreign policy of Nepal bears elements of both continuity and change in the course of its history. Although Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy 2020 has realised the changing dynamics of re gional geopolitics, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy cannot instantly escape the conventional principles of independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom, protection of national interest, national respect, and dignity.50 340<\/p><h1>Regional Trade Blocs<\/h1><p>Since the 1960s, regional economic integration has attracted most of the middle-in- come countries. It is an upshot of the desire to benefit from geographical proximity of the countries and capitalize on economic growth and development through con nectivity. Today, the contemporary globe is divided into several trade blocs. Regional integration permits economies to advance in terms of production scale and move up the value chain through import substitution and industrialization without opening up instantaneously to competition with the most progressive exporters globally. That was the pathway selected by Latin American economies in the 1960s and 1970s. Temporarily, East Asian economies have followed an export-driven development strategy since the 1960s. An excellent instance of regional integration is the Europe an Union (EU).51 The regional trading bloc is a preferential economic arrangement between groups of states with various integrational forms.52 A regional trading bloc is a cooperative union or group of states inside a particular geographical border. Trading blocs are a dis tinct type of economic engagements.53 These may be of different types and of degrees: \u00b7 Preferential Trade Arrangements: The partaking states lower tariffs with respect to each other but no other states.54 \u00b7 Free Trade Area: A group of states with few or no barriers in trade either in the form of tariffs or quotas amongst themselves. It tries to raise the volume of international trade among the associate states and permits them to pursue specialization in their areas of comparative advantage.55 \u00b7 Common Market: An official agreement to form a group by several states that accept a standard external tariff.56 \u00b7 Economic Union: An agreement between states that permits products, services, and workers to cross borders easily. The union is intended to eradicate internal trade obstacles among the member states and economically promote all member states.57 CISFTA GEFTA NAFTA AREAN. .: EU-CARICOM CAFTA SAFTAS OR-CAFTA ECOWAS AFTZ AANZETA SPARTECA ALADI EFTA-SACU Photo Credit: Economics Help 341\u00a0 Whatever the types and degree of integration, there are three shared characteristics of trading blocs. Primarily they are born out of political fear. Second, blocs adopt trade liberalization internally but attain trade protection outwardly. The third characteris tic is preservation of agriculture, which is institutionalized as the vital policy of the bloc.58 Other characteristics of the trade blocs comprise: \u00b7 They contribute to a particular trade relationship recognized by a formal agreement that endorses and enables trade within that group of states to trade with external states. \u00b7 They have reached or develop a specified objective extending trade liberal ization or integration to create a free trade zone, customs union, or common market. . They attempt to reach common locations in negotiations with third states, other trade blocs, or multilateral forums. \u00b7 They endeavor to synchronize national economic policies to minimize distur bance to intra-bloc economic transactions.59 There are several regional trade blocs in the world of different characteristics. Some of them are European Union (EU), European Free Trade Association (EFTA), Afri can Economic Community (AEC), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC), Associa tion of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Caribbean Community (CAR ICOM), Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR).60 The world has moved towards regionalism in a high speed after the end of the Cold War. Geographical regions establishing regional blocs have the possibilities of strengthening regional economic integration. One successful example of the regional trade bloc is the Eu ropean Union, and the cases of success can also be observed in the regional blocs formed in Latin America and Africa. One less integrated region in the world is South Asia.61 The South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) is an initiative for regional trade bloc in South Asia, which came into force in 2006 (signed on January 6, 2004), succeeding the 1993 SAARC Preferential Trading Arrangement. From 1995 through 2005, South Asia&#8217;s share in world merchandise exports marginally increased from 0.9 percent to 1.2 percent (from US$46.6 bn to US$128.5 bn).62 Even after the regional trade bloc was set up, there was no significant increase in the regional trade. Intra-bloc exports were stimulated on average by 23 percent because of SAFTA, while intra-bloc imports rose by 25 percent. The establishment of SAFTA brought fundamental challenges as well as opportunities for the South Asian countries. This had a significant impact on the domestic market, do mestic producers, tariff revenues, welfare of member countries, and the regional trade level. Although South Asian countries are moving toward open economies, the intraregional trade 342\u00a0 in South Asia is minimal. It was approximately 2.4 percent in 1990 of the total SAARC trade which increased by just 4.3 and 4.1 percent in the year 2001 and 2008 respectively.63 SAFTA may not be beneficial in the short run but can become beneficial in the long run. Further trade liberalization and movement toward industrialization of the region would minimize the trade diversion effect under SAFTA.64 Most importantly, effective implemen tation of SAFTA is needed; SAFTA needs an encouraging economic and political environ ment and a strong willingness to integrate and liberalize the SAARC member countries.65 South Asian countries should simplify and improve the tariff structure and procedure, for eign exchange controls, and transit facilities for the landlocked countries, and simplify bank ing facilities for import financing. Also, transparent antidumping and countervailing duties in the region will be necessary for confidence building between the SAARC members.66<\/p><h1>Regionalism<\/h1><p>Modern regionalism dates to the early nineteenth century when several small Eu- ropean states first established customs unions and then created trade alliances with France, which had promoted preferential entree to the British market. When the multilateral trading system was recognized after the Second World War, regionalism was reflected in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which accred ited the formation of free trade areas and customs unions.67 To understand regionalism, it is best to begin by exploring the idea of region as it is one of the basic factors for regionalism. The idea of region was advanced historically as a space between the national and the local inside a specific state. Joseph Nye defines the region as a limited number of states associated with a geographical association and a degree of mutual interdependence.68 Factually, a whole array of opinions has been put forward concerning which mutual interdependencies matter most: economic, political, or historical, cultural, and ethnic ties. In international relations, geography is the main component defining re SAARC Photo Credit: Shutterstock 343\u00a0 gion.69 Thus, the two variables for the shaping of a region contributing to regionalism are geographical proximity and homogeneity. Contrary to the substantive explanation of the region, these regions, however, can be an imagined community. Geographical regions such as Europe, Asia, Latin America, and Africa are imaginary geographies.70 Regionalism is thus the theory or practice of synchronizing social, economic, or po litical accomplishments within a geographical region encompassing several states.71 On an institutional level, regionalism includes the growth of norms, rules and formal structures through which harmonization is achieved. It infers a rearrangement of political identities and loyalties from the state to the region on an affective level. Regional integration may, nonetheless, ranges from cooperation among sovereign states based on inter-governmental ism to the transfer of authority from states to vital decision-making bodies.72 Within the parameters of the above arguments, regionalism can also be defined as a complex of attitudes, loyalties, and ideas of an individual or a group that perceives things in terms of its region&#8217;s interests. Regionalism is to a region what nationalism is to a nation. Regionalism extends both within states and between states. Within states, it may take the shape of a separatist movement where ethnic nationalism is the guiding principle. In global economic relations too, the cooperation between states has been the basis of regional prox imity as trade blocs and numerous associations currently functioning testify&#8221;.73 Regionalism takes diverse forms depending on the primary areas over which neigh boring states cooperate. Three types of regionalism can, therefore, be recognized: \u00b7 Economic regionalism: Economic regionalism denotes more significant eco nomic opportunities through cooperation among states in the same geograph ical region.74 \u00b7 Security regionalism: Security regionalism denotes forms of cooperation in tended to safeguard states from their enemies, both neighboring and distant ones.75 \u00b7 Political regionalism: Political regionalism denotes states&#8217; efforts in the same area to reinforce or defend shared values, thus improving their image and reputation and gaining a more powerful diplomatic voice.76 Thus, regionalism is the form of ideas, values and objectives that contribute to the formation, preservation or adjustment of a particular region or type of world order. By comparison with economic and market-led globalization, regionalism is more anchored to territorial areas. Compared with multilateralism, it is a more exclusive relationship founded on conscious political strategies, possibly directed by world or der values such as multiculturalism and interregional discourse and collaboration.7 Regionalism can also be taken as a strategy or policy to further its national interest. Thus, as an important component of foreign policy, Nepal aims to strengthen the regional cooperation being an incumbent chair of SAARC. Nepal has been emphasizing on the importance to revitalize the stalled SAARC processes. SAARC and BIMSTEC are the prin 344\u00a0 cipal vehicles for regional cooperation in our region, as focused by Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy. Nepal is determined to enhance its national interest, identity, and representation in interna tional and regional forums. Nepal is also focused on promoting the values of regionalism for cooperation, peace, and collaboration.78 Nepal is committed to the productive engagement in the regional organizations. Ne pal&#8217;s regional engagement continues to be meaningful. Such an engagement is guided by the fact that Nepal lies in the least integrated region of the world, in terms of trade, investment, tourism, and the mobility of people. Nepal has worked closely with the member states of SAARC, BIMSTEC, ACD and SCO for achieving regional integration, development, and prosperity. Regional Cooperation remains an essential component of Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy. Nepal placed high priority for deepening and widening regional cooperation and partner ship for the promotion of collective well-being of the region&#8217;s peoples.79 While the SAARC leaders&#8217; video conference of March 2020 re-energized regional part nership in the wake of COVID-19, Nepal continues to engage itself in regional organi zations&#8217; activities and contribute to the regional cooperation processes. As the incumbent Chair of SAARC and active member of BIMSTEC, Nepal&#8217;s engagements and deliberations in these regional mechanisms are mainly focused on promoting deeper regional integration and cooperation.<\/p><h1>Relative Gains\/Absolute Gains<\/h1><p>Realists contend that power is, by definition, a relative idea and that because of the anarchical nature of the international system, any advance in power by one state characterizes a threat to its neighbors. Realists, consequently, accept that any poten tial exchange between states must preserve the pre-existing balance of power (relative gains). On the contrary, liberal institutionalists assume that state leaders will consent to any agreement, that fulfills the state interests better (absolute gains).80 Realists, both classical and structural, claim that cooperation is usually uncommon in an international system categorized by anarchy. Liberal institutional theorists have confronted the cynical assumptions of realism by establishing how the possibility of cooperation cannot be denied even amidst the anarchy. Nevertheless, power is, by definition, a relative concept. Realists accept that state leaders are chiefly concerned with relative gains; liberal institution alists state that state leaders focus on absolute gains under many, but not all situations.81 To understand more about relative\/absolute gains, it is important to comprehend states as rational unitary actors. Therefore, the question of whether states exploit absolute gains or are concerned about relative gains is empirically worthless. In keeping with the process of structural realism, states are concerned about relative gains when the thinkable use of force is at issue. Cooperative consequences that offer unequal absolute gains cannot induce equi librium in such as arrangement.82 Indeed, some agreements also offer absolute equal gains, and hence, no relative gain can be continued in equilibrium because one state obtains a relative gain by defecting from the agreement. The prospects for cooperation are, 345\u00a0 nevertheless, sensitive to the costs of fighting. If the use of force is no longer an issue, then a state&#8217;s relative loss will not be turned against that state. Relative gains no longer matter, and cooperation now becomes feasible. This is in keeping with the expectations of neoliberal institutionalism.83 Beliefs in the significance of relative versus absolute gains differ considerably across in dividuals. Robust realists are much more likely to focus on relative gains than the strong idealists. The nature of the adversary intensely influences the salience of relative gains. States which are regarded as an economic or military threat are more likely to activate concerns about relative gains than the non-threatening states. The background of the situation in tensely influences the importance of relative gains. The importance of relative gains is higher for security issues than non-security matters.84<\/p><h1>Rogue State<\/h1><p>Since the end of the Cold War, rogue states have been a significant threat to the glob- al security and in every aspect, but particularly a security threat to the US and the West. Indeed, rogue states are often regarded as even more intimidating than the USSR during the Cold War era. The aim for such amplified fear is that rogue states supposedly do not play by the rules of rationality and are, therefore, challenging to be discouraged from using weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Rogue states are also seen as threats because of their potentiality to proliferate WMD. Finally, there is a substantial concern that rogue states are engaging in the sponsorship of international terrorism.85 The term is comparative and is used continuously in international relations and foreign policy literature. When pushed for a definition, comparative scholars and policy analysts describe the rogue state by unreliable standards, conflicting macro-structural and behavioral benchmarks and employ contrasting theoretical structures.86 The word &#8220;rogue state&#8221; is used supposedly to define a class of states that cartels the apparent irrationality and fanaticism of terror groups with states&#8217; military assets. Its use is often considered as controversial despite being used in the literature of international relations and foreign policy.87 The attributes of rogue states as provided by the National Security Strategy (NSS) of the United States of America released in September 2002 has it that these states: \u00b7 brutalize their people and squander their national resources for the personal gains of the leaders; \u00b7 display no respect for international law, intimidate their neighbors, and cal lously violate international treaties to which they are a party; \u00b7 are resolute to obtain weapons of mass destruction, along with other advanced military technology, to be used as threats or impertinently to achieve the ag gressive designs of these regimes; \u00b7 sponsor terrorism around the globe; and \u00b7 reject fundamental human values and hate the United States and everything for which it stands,88 346\u00a0 Although all the definitions of the rogue state as enumerated above seem all-encom passing and have some semblance, some academic observers have argued that rogue state status is identified not because of a state&#8217;s external behavior. This implies that if a state is authoritarian or dictatorial and her actions do not go beyond national borders or affect the members of the international community or constitute a threat to international peace and security, such a state cannot be classified as a rogue state.<\/p><h1>Role of Diaspora<\/h1><p>The etymology of the word &#8220;diaspora&#8221;, of Greek origin, shows how double-edged the notion can be: dia- a preposition, when used in compound words, indicates division and dispersion and -spiro means sowing the seeds.89 On one hand, it implies dispersal and division, on the other, it refers to stasis and sta bility (sowing seed, suggesting new life and new roots). The etymolog ical examination of &#8220;diaspora&#8221; dis closes an entrenched dual metaphor between roots\/routes.90 Since the Nepalese Cuestait Nepali Society 1990s, with the disintegration of the former USSR and the following dis ruptions in world politics, diasporas Photo Credit: The Kathmandu Post were well-defined as the &#8220;exemplary communities of the transnational moment&#8221;. In social sciences, the word diaspora is a recent phenomenon, as before the &#8217;80s, there are only brief mentions of this con cept.91 During the 70s, when assimilation theory and other theories grounded on the same importance of integration models began to describe work, livelihood and identity of the migrant groups having strong ethnic tradition and a strong feeling of collectiveness, studying diaspora become unavoidable in the foreign policy matters as well.92 Gabriel Sheffer, the first person to theorize diaspora, explained that it is a mistake to maintain diaspora&#8217;s notion only for the Jewish people because may others have existed before (such as Nabatheans, Phoenicians or Assyrians).93 According to him, three standards could be proposed for a definition: . preservation and development of collective identity in the &#8220;diasporic people;&#8221; \u00b7 presence of an internal organization discrete from those existing in the state of origin or the host state; \u00b7 important contacts with the homeland: real contacts (i.e., travel remittances) or symbolic contacts.94 347\u00a0 Other than Gabriel Sheffer, many scholars have attempted to define diaspora, but no precise definition could incorporate all the message that diaspora as a word dis seminates due to its contested meaning. Thus, William Safran outlines diaspora as: expatriate minority communities95 with the following characteristics: \u00b7 dispersed from an original &#8220;center&#8221; to at least two &#8220;peripheral&#8221; places; \u00b7 preserving a &#8220;memory,&#8221; vision or myth about their original homeland; \u00b7 &#8220;believing they are not and possibly cannot be fully recognized by their host state;&#8221; \u00b7 seeing the inherited home as a place of subsequent return when the time is right; \u00b7 dedicated to the maintenance or restoration of this homeland, and; \u00b7 whose group&#8217;s cognizance and solidarity are &#8220;importantly defined&#8221; by this ongo ing relationship with the homeland.96 Many typologies were proposed to understand and describe diaspora. Scholars in this field, such as Alain Medam (1993), proposed a typology grounded on the degree of cohesiveness and the diasporic organization&#8217;s dynamism. In this perspective, Medam distinguishes &#8220;crystallized diaspora&#8221; and &#8220;fluid diaspora.&#8221; 97 Michel Bruneau (1995), on the other hand, explains that the typology must be based on the diasporic organi zation and defines three significant kinds of diasporas: \u00b7 entrepreneurial diasporas \u00b7 religious diasporas \u00b7 diasporas.98 Gabriel Sheffer (1993) suggests activating a distinction between diasporas: those without the state of origin, called stateless diasporas and those with a state of origin, defined as state-based diasporas.99 Robin Cohen (1997a), in reaction to this territorial standpoint, proposes a typology set up on empirical terms with four types: \u00b7 labor diasporas \u00b7 imperial diasporas \u00b7 trade diasporas \u00b7 cultural diasporas100 In merging the diaspora&#8217;s notion with globalization and transnationalism discourses, we can say that the contemporary diaspora is &#8220;nation unbound&#8221; who &#8220;re-inscribe&#8221; space in a novel way. Nepali expatriates living in various corners of the world have created a strong diaspora cult. About 300 years ago, the Nepalese people started moving out to the immediate vicinities in neighboring states in search of livelihoods. Following the Sugauli Treaty in 1816 with East India Company, the famous &#8220;Lahure&#8221; culture of 348\u00a0 Nepalis serving in the foreign army became the mainstay of employment for many people and provided a chance for Nepalese to see the world and establish a saga of their bravery. In the contemporary world, Nepalis have settled in different parts of the globe for education, employment, and other facilities.101 They retain a great affinity toward Nepal and have preserved Nepalese culture and traditions in foreign lands. The Nepali diaspora has been growing day by day with the involvement of Ne pali workers i in farming, industries, nursing, academia, and other areas in the for eign lands. Nepali diaspora is spread in India, Myanmar, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, South Korea, Hong Kong, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Thailand, Japan, Kuwait, USA, Canada, Mexico, Australia, UK, Singapore, Oman, Germany, Bahrain, France, Belgium, South Africa, China, Bangladesh, Russia, Bhutan, Pakistan, Netherlands, Portugal, Philippines, Spain, Maldives, Sri Lanka, and other countries.102 Despite its fairly large size and strong diaspora, Nepal has not been able to utilize their knowledge, skills, capital, and influence for the country&#8217;s economic develop ment. The &#8220;Brain Gain Center&#8221; (BGC), which has been established by the Gov ernment of Nepal intends to capitalize on the Nepali diaspora&#8217;s potentiality.103 Also the State Policy in the Constitution of Nepal acknowledges the need to utilize the knowledge, skill, technology, and capital of the nonresident Nepalis in the nation&#8217;s development. The BGC can become an efficient source as a databank for reaching out to diaspora to generate prospects for cooperating with experts at home.104 Nepali diaspora played an essential role during the COVID-19 pandemic. Nepal Policy Institute (NPI), a global initiative of Non-Resident Nepalis (NRNs) and head quartered in the Netherlands was employed to counsel Nepal&#8217;s Government on poli cy matters connected to Nepali diaspora.105 The global association of 70,000 non-res ident Nepalis (NRNs) and 81 national committees was operational to support the government in coping with the problems of COVID-19 among the Nepali diaspo ra. 106 NRNA also formed a high-level committee on COVID-19 Pandemic Mitigation under its president&#8217;s coordination and selected members for 41 states, and developed the NRNA Strategic Plan to Manage the Impact of Pandemic COVID-19 in March 2020, and a COVID-19 Emergency Plan to facilitate NRNA&#8217;s total efforts. NRNA national committees now exist in 81 countries along with grassroots-level institutions of Nepali diaspora to address hazards from the pandemic.107 Also, in the major labor destination countries, Nepali diaspora has formed various associations and committees, which keep them attached with their country and communities back home. 349\u00a0<\/p><h1>SAARC<\/h1><p>South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established on 8 December 1985. The first proposal for establishing a framework for regional integra tion in South Asia was made by the late president of Ban gladesh, Ziaur Rahman, on 2 May 1980. Before this, the idea of South Asian integration was discussed in at least three conferences: the Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi in April 1947, the Baguio Conference in the Philip SAARC pines in May 1950, and the Colombo Powers Conference in April 1954.1 The governments of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka formally adopted its charter to promote social, economic, and cultural development within the South Asian region and friendship and cooperation with other developing countries. Its seven founding members were Bhutan, India, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Afghanistan joined the organiza tion in 2007. Observer states include the USA, Australia, China, Japan, South Korea, Myanmar, Mauritius, Iran, and the European Union. SAARC was established to improve the living standards of the people and their welfare, cultural and regional economic growth, and to increase cooperation with other regions of the world, social progress, and cultural development, promote self-reliance in the region collaboration in the region and with the international community.2 SAARC&#8217;s organizational structure consists of a Council of Ministers, Standing Committee, Technical Committee, Programming Committee, and Secretariat. Its priority areas and focus are agricultural and rural development, investment and com mercial dispute settlement, biotechnology, food security, finance, environment, en ergy, education, economy and trade, culture, information and communication tech nology, poverty alleviation, social development and security aspects ranging from drug and drug-related crimes, and terrorism to police matters.3 SAARC has complet ed eighteen summits, the last one in 2014 at Kathmandu. 353\u00a0 The cooperation among the SAARC members has led to establishing and initi ating various programs and forums for mutual benefits.4 During the 1990s, SAARC discussed the Preferential Trading Area (SAPTA) among the member countries, ma terialized in the Free Trade Agreement, now known as the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA5). SAARC has made institutionalized arrangements for cooperation with several other regional groupings and international and regional organizations. The SAARC Convention on the suppression of Terrorism was signed in 1987.6 However, SAARC&#8217;s cooperation has been facing hurdles and constraints. One of them is mistrust, and hostility. Another is a fear of India&#8217;s &#8216;hegemonic&#8217; role in the re gion.7 There is, moreover, an economical, technological, and demographic imbalance between India and other member countries. The charter of SAARC also has some self-imposed anomalies as it does not allow the contentious and bilateral disputes to be made agendas of discussion. As a founder member of SAARC, Nepal has contributed to regional cooper ation as per the spirits of its charter. Nepal hosts SAARC Tuberculosis and HIV\/ AIDS Center (STAC) with the vision of &#8220;AIDS-free generation in SAARC region&#8221; to prevent and control TB and HIV\/AIDS in the region. SAARC Secretariat was es tablished in Kathmandu on 16 January 1987,8 and Nepal has hosted three summits (3rd, 11th, and 18th). The 36-point Kathmandu Declaration &#8220;Deeper Integration for Peace and Prosperity&#8221; was adopted after the 18th summit held in Kathmandu in 2014.9 At Nepal&#8217;s initiative, cooperation in the field of migration, cooperatives and social protection featured for the first time in SAARC agenda and reflected in the Declaration. Signing of SAARC Framework Agreement for Energy Cooperation (Electricity) was an important achievement of the Summit.10 As the current chair of SAARC, Nepal has a huge role for the next summit in Pakistan.11 The failures of SAARC to attain its objectives, primarily because of the unending tensions between India and Pakistan, tend to underscore the importance of BIMSTEC,12 of which Nepal is a member. But Nepal stands for the revival of SAARC. BIMSTEC is an interregional organization connecting both South Asia and ASEAN. Thus, for Nepal, BIMSTEC is not a replacement to SAARC. Instead, SAARC and BIMSTEC can complement each other. BIMSTEC, for instance, pro vides SAARC countries, including Nepal, an unique opportunity to connect with the ASEAN.13<\/p><h1>Safe Haven<\/h1><p>Safe Havens or Safe Areas suggest a diversity of efforts geared towards protection, security and temporary refuge offered in the context of conflict.14 The establishment of safe havens, essentially by the United Nations (UN) in war-torn regions includes a mixture of humanitarian and military activities and was the dominant structures of 354\u00a0 international response to conflict zones in the 1990s even though the UN resolutions were indistinct, and no readiness was exhibited to provide safe areas as it was revealed by the crisis in Rwanda in 1994 and Srebrenica in 1995.15 Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 august 1949 was the early effort in describing the guiding policy of safe haven. The Additional Protocol I of the same Geneva Convention provides three main types of safe areas: hospital zones, neutralized zones, and demilitarized zones.16 The establishment of haven necessitates consensus between belligerents and that no actions of aggression will be launched in the safe areas, which are founded on the be liefs that the security zone is a restricted zone and depend on complete demilitariza tion, and do not postulate any arrangements for protecting the areas.17 The increasing number of refugees in the 1990s triggered by post-Cold War conflicts highlighted the need of preventive action, even within states at war, to de crease the likelihood of massive refugee flows across the national borders. These ef forts comprised establishment of camps on the edges of states at war, authorization of military intervention in refugee-producing circumstances, and construction of safe-havens. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) instituted the right to remain, which offered to exclude the causes of refugee movements by defend ing individuals in their homeland.18 Therefore, safe havens have been envisioned to safeguard potential refugees within their borders and keep refugees close to home and exert pressures for the protection and promotion of human rights.19 The first main area of special protection was northern Iraq in the immediate aftermath of the 1991 Gulf War. Following a failed uprising that the Western pow ers encouraged, vast numbers of Kurdish refugees had fled to the Turkish borders. American, British, and French forces came out with the operation &#8216;Provide Comfort&#8217; (1991-1993) to provide a haven in northern Iraq for about 400,000 Kurdish refu gees. UN agencies subsequently took charge. This haven provided a modest degree of security, although it was subjected to military incursions, mainly by Turkish forces and the Iraqi army.20 In 1993, the United Nations Security Council created six safe havens in Bos nia-Herzegovina with the host government&#8217;s consent to protect inhabitants from Bosnian Serb forces besieging them. On 16 April 1993, with the United Nations Se curity Council Resolution 819, the Srebrenica enclave was set up as a safe area by de manding &#8220;that all parties and others concerned treat Srebrenica and its surroundings as a safe area which should be free from any armed attack or any other hostile act.&#8221; 21 In May 1994, during the worst phase of the genocide in Rwanda, the Security Council passed resolution 918, which decided to establish &#8220;secure humanitarian ar eas&#8221; within the existing peacekeeping operation framework undertaken by the UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR). However, no sanctuary areas for the Tutsis were established in Rwanda when needed because no country provided troops. 355\u00a0 Instead, the Security Council (SC Res. 929, 22 June 1994) authorized France to establish the temporary Operation Turquoise in western Rwanda with the right to use force. This haven ultimately provided refuge for Hutus who had organized the genocide. This only reinforced criticism of the UN role in failing to prevent the genocide.22. Overall, Safe havens provide a humanitarian problem that can precipitate robust international intervention. However, it also proves that establishing safe havens, pre venting military activity, and protecting them from external assault, is challenging and demanding. While many lives have been saved by establishing such areas, they have rarely provided a secure and enduring haven from wars.23 The concept of &#8220;safe haven&#8221; is also understood in the context of terrorism and crime. Criminals and terrorists may find countries with political instability and lawless ness as a safe haven to carry out their activities. The absence of extradition treaty may also benefit them. There have been reports of porous and open borderlands existing between Nepal and India providing safe haven to the criminals and encouraging trans national crimes such as trafficking and smuggling by fleeing from one state to another.<\/p><h1>Sanctions<\/h1><p>The term &#8220;sanction&#8221; generally designates &#8220;a broad range of reactions adopted unilat- erally or collectively by the States against the culprit of an internationally illegal act in order to ensure respect for and the act of a right or obligation&#8221;.24 Previously, interna tional law did not have any provisions for punishment, but this concept of sanction has introduced a new dimension in international law about penal accountability. The notion of penal sanctions was ultimately incorporated into international law after the Second World War.25 While sanctions may appear like an attractive foreign policy tool, their validity has elevated concerns within the realm of international law. While Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter prohibits using force, no provision prohibits coercive economic measures under the UN Charter scheme.26 Yet, UN sanctions are accept ed by the UN Security Council (UNSC) to pass resolutions short of war. The legal foundation for such sanctions is often cited in Chapter VII of the UN Charter.27 Article 39 and 41 are vital provisions overriding the sanctions by the UNSC. Article 39 states that: The Security Council shall determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression and shall make recommendations, or decide what measures shall be taken in accordance with Articles 41 and 42, to maintain or restore international peace and security.28 Article 41 states that &#8220;the Security Council may decide what measures not in volving the use of armed force are to be employed to give effect to its decisions, and 356\u00a0 it may call upon the Members of the United Nations to apply such measures. These may include complete or partial interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio, and other means of communication, and the severance of diplomatic relations.29 Article 42 states that &#8220;Should the Security Council consider that measures pro vided for in Article 41 would be inadequate or have proved to be inadequate, it may take such action by air, sea or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other operations by air, sea, or land forces of Member of the United Nations. Non-UN sanctions, countermeasures or unilateral sanctions infer that an indi vidual state has enforced sanctions unilaterally without UNSC approval. Such sanc tions are not free from condemnations. Developing states have claimed that unilat eral sanctions should be removed, as they intrude on countries&#8217; right to economic and social development.30 The International Law Commission (ILC) defines such unilateral sanctions as &#8220;countermeasures&#8221;.31 The ILC explains situations to permit countermeasures, which would otherwise not obey the state&#8217;s international obliga tion. Chapter V of the Articles on Responsibility of State for Internationally Wrong ful Act (ARSIWA) offer protection against assertion of the breach of an internation al obligation. It replicates the concept of self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter, where preliminary use of force validates the act of response (self-defense).32 Economic sanctions may not have been forbidden by the UN Charter, but the UN General Assembly resolutions have stipulated all states not to recognize unilateral extraterritorial coercive economic measures.33<\/p><h1>Science Diplomacy<\/h1><p>The philosophical inquiry over the term &#8216;science diplomacy&#8217; is often associated with three predominant perspectives.34 First, diplomacy for science; secondly science for diplomacy, and thirdly, science in diplomacy.35 Science diplomacy has intersected two disciplines-science and diplomacy. Their coming together is aimed at advanc ing and acquiring scientific knowledge, and ensuring the scientific capabilities of states to eventually attain the national interests.36 Although the terminology, &#8220;science diplomacy,&#8221; was coined in 2009 at Wilton House, United Kingdom organized by Royal Society (London) and American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), the concept had already evolved during the Cold War period.37 Three frameworks have been developed under the domain of science diplomacy practised today in the world. Primarily, scientific development and scientific thinking have already eased the concerned authorities to formulate and implement compre hensive foreign policy objectives.38 Second, the diplomacy has been significantly used 1 to ensure the international cooperation on science and technology.39 Lastly, the scien 357\u00a0 tific cooperation automatically strengthens diplomatic cooperation as well. In today&#8217;s international relations, trans-national problems seek all three frameworks of science diplomacy.40 For instance, the issue and impacts of climate change relies on scientif ic thinking, scientific procedures and scientific cooperation between the countries. Even in the non-jurisdictional geographies like Antarctica tsuch a tripartite approach would be more advantageous.41 Increasing complexities and challenges in the global phenomena have contin uously shaped and reshaped the pragmatic needs of science diplomacy.42 These de velopments require a more utilitarian framing beyond the conventional actions that only advance a country&#8217;s national interest. The scope of science diplomacy must be broadened to address the cross-border interests and meet the global needs and chal lenges.43 The science diplomacy requires novel distinctions focused on policy reason ing and political imperatives, and coordination of different governmental, inter-gov ernmental, and non-governmental agencies.44 The clarity in the global expectation through science and technology with effective initiatives and coordination will sup port the cause of science diplomacy more than a political framing associated with it. Additionally, the government agencies should be equipped with appropriate expertise to ensure the efficient functioning of science diplomacy.45 The in-house scientific advisory structure, scientific researches, scientifically trained diplomats, and large technical unites can serve the government and ministries to guarantee the effective functioning of science diplomacy.46 Science diplomacy cam be also be employed to advance a larger domain of na tional interests. One of the recognized actions designated to the science diplomacy is exercising the soft power beyond the boundaries. In 2009, when science diplomacy was officially introduced, it was more focused on reducing the tensions between the Islamic world and Western countries with the transfer of science and technology along with scientific thinking.47 The Western countries, including the USA, UK, Canada, and Germany have always emphasized on science and technology as an es sential component of maintaining harmonious relations with other countries. The realization developed by the small states in regards to the science diplomacy for the fulfillment of its economic hopes, strategic autonomy and developmental aspirations is significant.48 Israel occupies a pioneer position among the small states, which has tremendously used science and technology in developing innovation economy, which in turn, has helped the Jewish republic to further its external relations.49 Contemporarily, countries also use science diplomacy to promote trade and com mercial activities,50 upon the realization that national security should be dominated by science at the different levels. While the trans-national and cross-border threats can be dealt by the scientific innovations,51 science diplomacy has the prospects to bring the countries together using scientific methods and tools to counter the shared or trans-national challenges. Furthermore, emergency response to the natural or hu man-induced disaster demands a scientific approach. Scientific verification is also 358\u00a0 essential for establishing and sustaining the confidence required for many weapons control accords.52 As a result, national security choices are based on the capacity to scientifically evaluate the situation. While cyber security has already raised a global concern, the rise of state and non-state cyber espionage has prompted countries to explore bilateral and international cyber security conventions.53 At the national and global fronts, the fast development of technologies such as gene editing, artificial intelligence, and machine learning has posed increasing challenges to foreign policy and national security systems.54 For the countries like Nepal, science diplomacy has the capability to revitalize its diplomatic capacity, foreign policy behavior, and national security apparatus. Nepal may also draw the advantages of science and technology in strengthening its soft power ambitions and national security by resisting the cross-border and transnational security threats.55 The globally discussed issues and impacts of climate change, which has affected Nepal in an unprecedented manner be collectively addressed by infusing scientific approach, scientific procedures and scientific thinking in diplomacy. Nepal&#8217;s economic development is also dependent on its science diplomacy.56 The dream of &#8216;Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepali&#8217; can also be materialized through science diplomacy by employing technologically advanced tools in the different sectors including tourism, industrialization, labor migration, revenue collection, among others. Increasing the use of advanced technologies and technology-based services, Nepal can penetrate the inter national value chain and create synergy among other partner countries.57 Nepal&#8217;s inte grated foreign policy of 2020 has realized the importance of science diplomacy. Now, it is important to endow trainings and conduct research on the areas of associated with science diplomacy. Upon the same realization, the Institute of Foreign Affairs (IFA) and Nepal Academy of Science and Technology (NAST) signed a Memorandum of Understanding on 16 January 2022 to amalgamate science and diplomacy for Nepal.58 Through the collaboration, it is aimed to conduct policy research on the areas of science diplomacy and generate an awareness about the significance of thinking scientifically( examining cause-effect analysis of any issue) in diplomacy.<\/p><h1>Secession<\/h1><p>Before the Second World War, secession was seen as a possible mean for groups of people to achieve independence of territory through secession, either as an outcome of war or plebiscite. Following the two World Wars, unilateral secession was used to fractionate the defeated states&#8217; empires and the colonial empires&#8217; disassembling, Secession was never, though, a legal right under international law, neither was it forbidden under international law. It remains indeterminate by treaty law and the United Nations (UN) declaratory General Assembly resolutions. Indeed, the term &#8220;secession&#8221; is absent from practically all international legal instruments. This con 359\u00a0 dition is reasonable because secession characterizes an encounter to possibly the two most fundamental international law principles: states&#8217; sovereignty and territorial in tegrity. Secession is therefore regarded undesirably and is associated with the disorder, schism, disintegration, and unsteadiness.59 The extraction of territory (colonial or non-colonial) from an existing state to build a new state is called secession. The etymology of &#8220;secession&#8221; is rooted in the Lat in terms &#8220;se&#8221;, signifying &#8220;apart&#8221; and &#8220;cedere&#8221;, referring to &#8220;to go.&#8221; 60 It is also described as &#8220;the action of seceding or formally withdrawing from an alliance, a federation, a political or religious organization, or the like.&#8221; 61 Cohen perceived that &#8220;secession is not an instant fact. It always implies a complex series of claims and decisions, ne gotiations and\/or struggle, which may &#8211; or may not &#8211; lead to the creation of a new State.&#8221; Likewise, Crawford has defined secession as &#8220;the creation of a State by the use or threat of force without the consent of the former sovereign.&#8221; 62 Once it is acknowledged that the course of withdrawal is distinct from the con sequence, it appears that there are two elementary types of secession: consensual and unilateral.63 The former can be separated into two different types: constitutional and politically negotiated.64 Constitutional secession happens with the existing state&#8217;s consen sus and does not include the use or threat of force. This type can be divided into two sub-categories: negotiated and explicit.65 Politically negotiated secession happens with the existing state&#8217;s consent and does not necessarily involve the use or threat of force,66 but it requires that the existing state and the secessionist entity be enthusiastic about negoti ating a secessionist situation politically. Unilateral secession happens without the existing state&#8217;s consent and may also include the use or threat of force. It generally happens in the absence of pertinent constitutional provisions and political negotiation.67 Some of the reported examples of successful secession are Quebec (Canada), Bos nia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Slovenia, Serbia, and Kosovo (Yugoslavia).68 But, the secessionist movements in Indonesia (the Netherlands), Viet nam (France), Algeria (France), Bangladesh (Pakistan),69 South Sudan (Sudan), Tibet (China), Katanga (Congo), Biafra (Nigeria), Kashmir (India), the Karen and Shan States (Burma), the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (Cyprus), and Tamil Elam (Sri Lanka) have been unsuccessful.70<\/p><h1>Security<\/h1><p>Security implies a stable, relatively predictable environment allowing an individual or group to pursue an objective without disruption, harm and fear of disturbance or injury. The traditional definition of security may be providing private services to pro tect people, information and assets for individual safety or community wellness.71 In a larger context, security may be expanded to consider national security and defense of a nation through armed force or the use of force to control a state&#8217;s citizens. Secu 360\u00a0 rity may also imply public policing with state-employed public servants. Still, others may consider security as crime prevention, security technology and risk management or loss prevention.72 Security is a relational concept and comprehending security as a relational concept has two advantages.73 At the first place, it emphasizes the need for more input informa tion about the appropriate agent, interest, and threat and secondly, it avoids the need for value judgments about whether a particular substantive concept is preferable.74 Se curity studies represent the core of the International Relations, predominantly dealing with war and peace issues and in the years following the Second World War, such stud ies have become a synonym for Strategic Studies with a distinct focus on the military sector. However, with the growing complexity of the agenda of international relations, the emergence of economic, environmental challenges and other security challenges actors in the field, the traditional concept of security has become too narrow. Barry Buzan defines security as the pursuit of freedom from threats,75 and Stephen Waltz regards security studies as &#8220;the studies of the threat, use, and control of military force&#8221;. The non-traditional school of thought, so-called &#8220;wideners&#8221;, challenge this se curity concept and argue that horizontally, the security concept has expanded from the earlier exclusively military concerns towards the political, economic, societal, and environmental sectors, and vertically should be open to refer objects other than the state (individuals, social groups, humanity as a whole).76 In response to the non-tradi tionalist view, another critique is that security themes are the result of an intersubjective ideational social construction which do not exist objectively and independently.77 Although the definitions differ, they are thus mostly state-centric. National secu rity is related to the overall ability of the armed forces to defend the sovereignty of the nation and the lives of its people which implies that the threat to a nation&#8217;s security is not only an attack on the nation&#8217;s territorial sovereignty but is also concerned with eliminating threats outside the territory.78 The expanded coverage of security also implies security on more than one front and includes economic security, energy security, environmental security, even health, gender, and food security. I Political security refers to protecting the sovereignty of the government and political system and society&#8217;s safety from unlawful internal threats and external threats or pressures. Economic security involves protecting the economy&#8217;s capacity to provide for the people and the degree to which the government and the people are free to control their economic and financial decisions. Similarly, security in energy and natural resources can be defined as the degree to which a na tion or people can access energy resources such as oil, gas, water, and minerals, and cyber security refers to safeguarding the data processing infrastructure and operating systems of the governments and of the people from harmful interference, whether from outside or inside the country.79 Another dimension of security which has come into debate is human security. Pri marily developed at the United Nations after the end of the Cold War, it defines security 361\u00a0 broadly as encompassing peoples&#8217; safety from hunger, disease, and repression, including harmful disruptions of daily life and has expanded over time to include a whole host of economic aspects &#8212; environmental, food, health, personal, community, political, gender and minorities. Its distinguishing characteristic is downplaying national security as a mil itary problem between nation-states, focusing instead on the social and economic causes and an assumed international &#8220;responsibility to protect&#8221; people from violence.80 Traditionally, Nepal has had a strongly state-centric approach to security, which emphasized national security and the regime&#8217;s security, with a particular focus on Nepal&#8217;s geographical location between two great powers, China, and India. National security issues have therefore remained a significant concern for Nepal, ever since its unification by King Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1769.81 Nepal&#8217;s foreign and security policy evolved against the backdrop of the concurrent but separate threats posed by the British East India Company to the South and by the steadily expanding Chinese presence in Tibet to the North. Security for Nepal is often understood from the perspective of geopolitical and geostrategic vulnerability.82 Since China and India are fast rising as the major powers in the new emerging world order, this strategic vulner ability is destined to grow rather than lessen in the coming days.83 Addressing the security concerns in the future will therefore be far from early or simple for Nepal, particularly when it is going to be increasingly linked to human se curity. The growing unemployment and degrading environmental condition for Ne pal has rendered security into a formidable challenge and the government will need to brace itself to ensure that the citizens remain secure in the real sense of the term.84<\/p><h1>Security Dilemma<\/h1><p>In the years since Herbert Butterfield, John Herz, and Robert Jervis first developed the concept, security dilemma has been extended and applied to &#8220;address many of the most important questions of international relations theory and security policy.&#8221; 85 Central to the logic of defensive realism is arguably its theoretical linchpin because, for defensive realists, it is security dilemma that makes possible genuine coopera tion between states- beyond a fleeting alliance in the face of a familiar foe.86 For the offensive realists, however, security dilemma makes war inevitable and rational.87 Neoliberal scholars argue, on the other hand, that one of the functions of interna tional institutions is to alleviate security dilemma. Liberals claim that democratic institutions facilitate peace among the countries because they alleviate the security dilemma.88 Constructivists, however, assert that alleviating security dilemma among states is one channel to reshape identity and remake anarchy.89 Security dilemma theory thus constitutes an influential theory of war and peace via interaction. Herbert Butterfield believes that security dilemma could drive states to war even though they may not want to harm each other, and traces the immediate 362\u00a0 cause of the dilemma to the &#8220;Hobbesian fear,&#8221; a fear he regards as &#8220;universal sin of humanity.&#8221; 90 John Herz, the man who originally coined the term &#8220;security dilemma,&#8221; elaborates six aspects of the dilemma: 1. the ultimate source of security dilemma is anarchy-the lack of &#8220;a higher unity&#8221;; 2. an immediate cause of the dilemma is states&#8217; uncertainty and fears about each other&#8217;s intentions; 3. states&#8217; means of self-help-trying to escape from the dilemma by accumulating more and more power-generates a cycle of power competition; 4. states&#8217; attempts to escape from the dilemma by accumulating more and more power may not increase their security at all, becoming self-defeating and even tragic; 5. the dilemma can cause war but is not the cause of all wars; 6. the dynamic of the dilemma is a self-reinforcing &#8220;vicious cycle.&#8221; 91 In sum, one could say the ultimate source of the dilemma is the anarchic nature of international politics. Because of the uncertainty about each other&#8217;s intentions and fear, states resort to the accumulation of power or capabilities as a means of defense, and these capabilities inevitably contain some offensive capabilities. The dynamics of security dilemma thus becomes self-reinforcing that often leads to (unintended and harmful) spiral-like si tuations, such as the worsening of relationships and arms race.92 In the international system, security dilemma for small states may not mean what it does for the powerful states. The external security threats for the small states might be manageable but remain palpable. More than the security dilemma evolving from external threats, there are internal threats that could invite larger security threats for them.93 In the case of Nepal, a &#8220;yam&#8221; between two large boulders, the security dilem ma arises not only from its geostrategic location between two giant states individu ally, but from its double contiguity to them. Sino-India territorial conflict, leading to violent skirmishes, often aggravate Nepal&#8217;s security dilemma. But, in 2014, when India and China decided to use Nepal&#8217;s Lipulekh as a trading route between them without Nepal&#8217;s consent, Nepal&#8217;s security dilemma had magnified. Because, Nepal has always prioritized on regional harmony, trust, and cooperation to overcome the consequences of security dilemma.<\/p><h1>Self-Determination<\/h1><p>Self-determination denotes the capability of making one&#8217;s own decisions and deter- mining one&#8217;s political status. In simple terms, the state of being free from the external control.94 The right to self-determination is a fundamental tenet of international law, influencing relationships between states and the people who make up those states. 363\u00a0 Rooted in decolonization politics, the right to self-determination is now invoked by groups in various political contexts, worldwide, to support claims for secession, B increased autonomy, and democratic participation. Self-determination is also under h stood as a basis for resolving historical conflicts, particularly those with ethnic or religious dimensions reinforced by historical treaties or involving claims to historic 2 territories or homelands.95 Hurst Hannum of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy has identified three eras shaping the concept of self-determination.96 The first era began in the nineteenth and century and lasted through the Wilsonian period, ending approximately in 1945.2026 The establishment of the United Nations in 194597 marked the beginning of the sec ond era of the self-determination. The third and most problematic era in further de veloping the concept began with decolonization in the late 1970s and continues to the present.98 The third stage is characterized by the attempt in recent decades to fuse the first two eras; that is, to combine the ethnic and cultural rights of minorities that Wil son championed with the territorial absolutism of decolonization.99 States have an active and affirmative duty to promote peoples&#8217; right to self-deter mination following the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States (UN General Assembly Resolu tion 2625, October 1970).100 Self-determination has two dimensions: internal and external. The former refers to the exercise of self-determination within an existing state; external dimension hints at peoples&#8217; right to define their place within the international community. The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Dis crimination (CERD) defines internal self-determination as peoples&#8217; rights to pursue their economic, social, and cultural development freely without external interference which is linked with every citizen&#8217;s right to take part in the conduct of public affairs at any level&#8217;.101 Internal self-determination includes a wide range of democratic prac tices that can open space for managing diversity and multiculturalism. CERD de fines external self-determination as the rights of all peoples to freely determine their political status and their place in the international community based on equal rights and is exemplified by the liberation of people from colonialism and prohibition on subjecting peoples to alien subjugation, domination, and exploitation.102 While self-determination is often held up as a right to protect minority and marginalized groups against dominance and repression, it is sometimes viewed with skepticism by dominant groups and &#8216;minority-within-minority&#8217; communities. For in stance, Madhesis may be in minority at the national level but a local majority in the Southern region of Nepal. Muslims in the Madhesi communities (minority within a minority) are not very sure about what a right to self-determination would mean. Some Muslims prefer Madhesi not to have self-governing powers because they fear that local leadership will suppress them more than the centralized state has. Self-de termination is thus a fundamental right under international law, but despite years of development in practice, it remains a sensitive, often controversial, and complex idea to implement and materialize. 364<\/p><h1>Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)<\/h1><p>Before Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was established in 2001, &#8220;Shang- hai Five&#8221; was created in 1996 when China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan signed the Shanghai Agreement on building security in common border areas. Initially, it was aimed to loosen tensions between the countries sharing new international borders in the wake of the disintegration of the USSR in 1991.103 It was established with the central mandate of eliminating the &#8220;three evils of religious extremism, ethnic separatism and international terrorism&#8221;.104 The SCO currently comprises eight Member States (China, India, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Paki stan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan), four Observer States interested in acceding to full membership (Afghanistan, Belarus, Iran, and Mongolia) and six &#8220;Dialogue Partners&#8221; (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Cambodia, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Turkey). SCO has two main executive organs: the SCO secretariat, whose head is nominated by the Council of Heads of States; and the SCO Regional Anti-terrorist Structure (RATS), responsible for the implementation of SCO counter-terrorism strategies.105 Greater security and stability in the central Asian region have also been attribut ed to the organization&#8217;s objectives. In 2002, the group formally defined its primary purpose through regional security cooperation. In 2004 the Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure (RATS) was formally launched, and members made a joint declaration to fight terrorism and strengthen economic ties. SCO members and observers govern a large proportion of the world&#8217;s landmass resources, more than half of the world&#8217;s population, and hold significant military power.106 Today, SCO has evolved further to promote peace and stability among its members by cooperating in security, pol itics, trade, and cultural understanding and cooperating across portfolios such as education, tourism, environmental, cultural, science and technology and economy.107 When India and Pakistan were admitted to the SCO in 2017, political scientists and experts predicted that the admission of New Delhi and Islamabad to the orga nization would mean its end. Because, India and Pakistan would bring their array of conflicts to the organization, completely paralyzing its work. On the other hand, the optimists predicted that without India, and without Pakistan, one cannot build a full-fledged system of stability in Eurasia.108 Nepal became a Dialogue Partner of SCO after signing the Memorandum of Un derstanding with SCO on 22 March 2016.109 The Memorandum defines the scope of Nepal&#8217;s engagement with SCO in the fields of trade, transit and investment; energy; agriculture; small and medium business; security issues; legal and customs affairs; transport and communications; science and technology; education; health; culture; tourism; and disaster.110 Nepal also participated in the &#8220;International Forum for SCO Member States on Legal Service for Silk Road&#8221; on 23-24 November 2016 in China which agreed to har monize legal documents of SCO member states to implement BRI. Nepal also took 365\u00a0 part in the High-Level Special Event on &#8220;United Nations and SCO: Jointly Counter ing Challenges and Threats&#8221;, held in New York, on 22 November 2016 where Nepal expressed its commitment to working with fellow members in various areas of com mon interests. Nepal also participated in the SCO Kunming International Marathon organized on the 15th anniversary of SCO on 17 December 2016.111<\/p><h1>Sovereignty<\/h1><p>The concept of sovereignty, which once remained uncontested and unopposed has today become a site of contention within the purview of international law and in ternational relations theory. Discussions on sovereignty are also found in Aristotle&#8217;s Politics and the Roman law. In Politics, a supreme power existing in the state and which may be in the hands of one, or a few, or of many is recognized. Among the Romans, sovereignty found its explicit expression in the well-known sentence, &#8220;The will of the Prince has the force of law since the people have transferred to him all their right and power.&#8221; 112 The first systematic discussion on the nature of sovereignty was made in France by Jean Bodin. To Bodin, sovereignty refers to &#8220;the absolute and perpetual power of a commonwealth&#8221;,113 or &#8220;the supreme power over citizens and subjects, unrestrained by law&#8221;. 114 The theory of Althusius, too, is permeated with the element of the contract. Sovereignty, according to Johannes Althusius, is &#8220;the highest and most general power of administering the affairs which generally concern the safety and welfare of the soul and body of the members of the State.&#8221; 115 Adding to the debate on sovereignty, Hugo Grotius defines sovereignty as &#8220;that power whose acts are not subject to the control of another, so that they may be made void by the act of any other human will.&#8221; 116 The Hobbesian doctrine of sovereignty dictates a monopoly of power within a given territory and overall civilian or ecclesiastical authority institutions. On the oth er hand, Hobbes insists on the fundamental equality of human beings. He maintains that a state is a contract between individuals, that the sovereign owes his authority to the will of those he governs and is obliged to protect the interests of the governed by assuring civil peace and security.117 At the center of Rousseau&#8217;s view in The Social Contract is his rejection of the Hobbesian idea that a people&#8217;s legislative will can be vested in some group or indi vidual that then acts with their authority but rules over them. Instead, he takes the view that to hand over one&#8217;s general right of ruling oneself to another person or body constitutes a form of slavery and that recognizing such an authority would amount to an abdication of moral agency,118 Additionally, B. L. Manelis, a Soviet legal scholar, wrote: &#8220;sovereignty should be considered as a social phenomenon, which is closely connected with the state, its role in international relations and the regularities of its development.&#8221; 119 However, in the late 366\u00a0 1940s I. D. Levin associated sovereignty to the period of the collapse of feudalism and the beginning of capitalist production. 120 The growing number of states and their lead ing roles in the international arena, as well as the complexity of international relations, have left a significant imprint on the doctrine of sovereignty, turning it into a complex set of divergent views, interpretations, and approaches, which has significantly altered the original &#8220;Bodinian&#8221; structure of the idea of state sovereignty.121 Furthermore, definitions of &#8220;sovereignty&#8221; are also available in the consideration and resolution of specific international disputes, which attest the relevance of this concept for the entire international practice. From the lens of international law, sovereignty is all about independence of state power from the external world. 122 There are two theories of sovereignty: absolute sovereignty and relative sovereignty. The late nineteenth century was characterized by the growth of the theory (and the practice) of &#8216;absolute&#8217; sovereign ty 123 in Germany and England. 124 The advocates of this doctrine held that sovereignty is is absolute, unlimited and indivisible, and over which there is no other authority, The theory of &#8216;relative sovereignty, &#8216; however believes that sovereignty can be subordinated to international law; but a state&#8217;s sovereignty cannot be subordinated to another state because all states, in principle, are equal.125 Thus, the doctrine of relative sovereignty establishes the primacy of international law over state sovereignty.126 Nepal is one of the first countries in South Asia to be recognized as a sovereign by the Britain in 1923. Sovereignty &#8212; the supreme authority &#8212; according to Nepal&#8217;s Constitution of 2015 is vested upon the people of Nepal.127 Previously, in Nepal, sovereignty was vested on monarchy. After the Anglo-Nepal war of 1814-16, the British, well aware of Nepal&#8217;s strategic position as a trade route between Tibet and the Indian kingdoms, did not colonize the Himalayan nation even after defeating it. During that period, the international order was dominated by European supremacy and sovereignty was considered only a Eurocentric attribute. Non-European nations were considered lacking &#8216;credible claim&#8217; to sovereignty and were treated with discrim inatory measures. 128 During the Rana rule, Nepal pursued the policy of appeasement toward the British to ensure their sovereign rule over the state and signed the Treaty of Friendship with Great Britain in 1923. The Treaty acknowledged Nepal&#8217;s inde pendence and stipulated those mutual consultations would be held on foreign and defense matters. This provision was a double-edged sword for Nepal&#8217;s sovereignty.129 However, after the introduction of democracy in 1950, the sovereign authority of the state was fully vested under monarchy. In this period, the sovereignty of Nepal was undermined by India through several instances. The 1950 Treaty between Nepal and India has tended to destabilize Nepal&#8217;s status through several unfair and biased provisions even during the Panchayat rule, when the sovereign authority was directly under the King.130 In this period, the sovereignty was under threat after the 1962 Sino-Indian war and continuing presence of Indian paramilitary forces in the Ka lapani region of Nepal. In between these periods, many cases of border encroachment occurred and Nepal had to suffer blockade from India on the issue of the purchase of and 367\u00a0 the arms and ammunition from China. After the restoration of democracy in Nepal in 1990, the Himalayan country embraced constitutional monarchy limiting the role of monarchy. With the political change of 2006, sovereignty has been fully vested on Nepali people. After the abolition of monarchy in 2008, all the decisions are taken by the sovereign parliament of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal.<\/p><h1>Structural Adjustment Program (SAP)<\/h1><p>The decade of 1980s witnessed trade and economic reforms in the developing and least developed countries as an attempt to make their trade more open and acceler ate their competitiveness in the global market. A number of these reform programs were precipitated by the assistance provided by the major financial institutions in cluding the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.131 Hence, the structural adjustment program (SAP) is an economic reform package suggested by the multilateral agencies (IMF and World Bank) for developing countries with objectives to increase local productivity, expand economic base, maintain stability in the balance of payments, minimize government expenditure, improve economic competitiveness, and boost up the economic growth 1.132 Also dubbed as &#8216;Washington Consensus&#8217;, SAP allowed developing nations to shift from the administrative control model to a more market-based system. SAP was conceptualized to address critical problems faced by the process of economic devel opment in African countries.133 Countries embracing SAP are obliged to introduce policies focused on deregulation of markets and trade liberalization. By doing so, SAP is aimed at stimulating production efficiency by fostering unhindered transac tions, assisting fiscal and monetary policies, liberalizing trade, depreciating currency and through the acts of privatization and marketization.134 The World Bank and IMF recommended SAP to assist developing countries in achieving the expected and desired benefits. But, SAP, by nature, is inflationary because it increases the amount of the domestic currency required in exchange for a unit quantity of local goods and imports. IMF structural programs have therefore been widely criticized for failing to restore economic growth and confidence. Hence, Structural adjustment program is a contentious issue.135 Nepal&#8217;s journey of privatization, liberalization and marketization has been largely shaped by the structural adjustment program.136 Lack of sufficient industrialization, political uncertainty and economic dependency has always made Nepal dependent on foreign aid. Before 1990s, Nepal endured central planning resulting into unequal development. During the Sixth Plan (1980\/81-1984\/85),137 growing frustration with the past economic behavior was manifested in increased public expenditures to accel erate the pace of development, causing the overall budget deficit to rise from 6.1% of GDP in 1980\/81 to 12.3% in 1982\/83.138 368\u00a0 Nepal has been undertaking economic reforms since the early 1990s, in the wake of the dramatic reforms initiated then by India. In Nepal, however, the economic reforms failed to address the problems relating to production relations &#8211; access to land and improved technology. The earliest wave of reform dates to the early 1980s when the government liber alized the financial sector. Later in the same decade, Nepal undertook some reforms under the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) and Structural Adjustment Loan (SAL) policy packages under the IMF&#8217;s stabilization scheme.139 To stem the balance of payments crisis, resulting mainly from increased public deficit financing, the Nepali currency was devalued against the US dollar by nearly 15 percent in 1985.140 The system of administrative import quotas was also replaced by an import license system in 1986.141 Customs tariffs underwent rationalization and simplification. The trade reform measures also liberalized import control by dismantling non-tariff barriers, including quantitative restrictions on imports, and phas ing out import license auctions and replacing them with appropriate tariffs.142 Nepal has undertaken a wide array of exchange rate reform programs since the early 1990s. In 1992, radical changes in the industrial licensing regime were announced as the New Industrial Policy under the Industrial Enterprise Act 1992143 hich emphasized deregulation, encouraged competition, relying upon market forces to allocate resources in manufacturing activities. Nepal also took several steps to attract foreign direct in vestment (FDI) and other forms of private foreign investment. The enactment of the Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Act 1992, amended in January 1996, and the Industrial Enterprise Act 1992 formalized these measures. FDI is welcomed in share (equity), reinvestment of earnings from foreign investment and loan or loan facilities.144 The privatization of public enterprises began in 1994 with the passage of the Privatization Act. Many government-owned industries in areas such as sugar, jute, cement, and paper have been privatized.145 Privatization of public monopolies in telecommunication and airline industries is under consideration. Multinational companies have been given a share in the development of cellular telephones and long-distance communications.146 Financial sector reform began in the 1980s when the Nepali central bank (Nepal Rastra Bank) eased entry restrictions on foreign commercial banks with an amend ment of the Commercial Bank Act. Steps in financial liberalization include de-con trol of interest rates, elimination of commercial banks&#8217; liquidity requirements with the central bank, lowering entry barriers to financial intermediaries, introducing new financial instruments, and creating a stock market and security exchange.147<\/p><h1>Structural Violence<\/h1><p>Structural violence refers to the preventable limitation that society places on groups of people that constrain them from fulfilling their basic needs and achieving the qual ity of life that would otherwise be possible. These limitations, which can be political, 369\u00a0 economic, religious, cultural, or legal, usually originate in institutions that exercise power over subjects.148 Structural violence may occur economically, politically, or through culturally driven processes that work together in a way as to limit the victims from achieving full quality of life.149 One key aspect of structural violence is that it is often subtle, invisible, and accepted as a matter of course. Even more difficult than detecting it is assigning culpability for it, since the actors are often difficult to identify as they are behind anonymous institutions or invisible while the violence continues.150 Johan Galtung initially framed the term &#8220;structural violence&#8221; to mean any con straint on human potential caused by economic and political structures.151 Unequal access to resources, political power, education, health care, or legal standing as struc tural violence are problematic in and by themselves, but they are also dangerous because they frequently lead to direct violence. While structural violence often leads to direct violence, the reverse is also true, as brutality terrorizes bystanders, who then become unwilling or unable to confront social injustice.152 One of Galtung&#8217;s most compelling applications of the concept was in his landmark 1971 publication, A Structural Theory of Imperialism, where he refers to the structural violence imposed by the big powers to the small ones through the policy of imperialism. 153 In structural violence, people suffer harm indirectly, often through a slow and steady process with perpetrators hard to identify. Structural violence cannot be pho tographed. It is revealed only through its patterned effects. Most victims of homeless ness or chronic malnutrition, for example, are victims of structural violence. 154 In the Nepali context, both caste and class are often cited as the prime causes of structural violence. The difference in the payment system leading towards labor exploitation in the labor market has also exposed structural violence.155 The consequences of struc tural violence in Nepali society have led to inequalities, abuses, exploitation and un equal access to education, health, and opportunities.156<\/p><h1>Superpower<\/h1><p>States which have the capability to influence the international system, economically and militarily, through its unrivalled clout at the bilateral, multilateral, and regional fronts are called superpowers. They can achieve and sustain global leadership, and shoulder a distinctive role in conflict development and resolution. With unsur mountable economic capabilities, a superpower has an unopposed global superiority in the scientific and technological domain.157 Thus, superpower have a global reach in terms of political, military, and economic terms with great influence on other states and drive the core decision-making process of international and regional organizations.158 The history of superpower nations can be traced back to the nineteenth century when Britain served as the prototype superpower and dominated Europe. After the col lapse of Britain as the world superpower, the United States took over after the 1945.159 370\u00a0 Photo Credit: The Indian Express The key factor which made the United States a hegemonic power was not only its industrial capacity but its military underarms. With the global economic recession of the 1930s and US leading the allied forces in the World War II, Washington bagged an opportunity to host the Bretton Woods conference 1944 by establishing the major financial and economic institutions that paved the way for the United States to become an economic hegemon. The use of US dollar as a global currency was also backed by US economic strength. Thus, the combination of the United States military power and economic hegemony elevated it to the status of an unrivalled global power.160 In the mid-1950s, the Soviet Union gained some ground to become a world super power. It challenged the supremacy of US military power by detonating its first atomic bomb in 1949 and first hydrogen bomb in 1953 and established its superiority globally through an activist foreign policy. But its influence through communist ideology and arms race with the United States crumbled with the collapse of USSR in 1991.161 Today, the military and economic might of the United States has once again faced an unprecedented challenge from China&#8217;s growing economy, increasing stra tegic interests. Security experts and foreign policy analysts, around the world, have already started to interpret the Sino-Us relations from the lens of &#8216;new Cold War&#8217;. Harvard Scholar Graham Allison has used the perspective of &#8220;Thucydides Trap&#8221; to analyze Sino-US relations. Thucydides trap, according to Allison, takes place when an established superpower is challenged by a rising power. History of international relations is evident to the fact that whenever an established power has been confront ed by the rising power, there is the possibility of war and conflict. Rise of China has strategized Nepal&#8217;s geo-strategic location too. To cope with the rise of China and deal with the implications of Sino-US strategic competition, the foreign policy of non-alignment coupled by &#8220;amity with all and enmity with none&#8221; suits Nepal better. In Kathmandu, even Nepal&#8217;s protracted uncertainty over the parliamentary approval of US-sponsored MCC project was perceived from the lens of the changing dynamics of Sino-US relations and its implications in Nepali political spectrum. 371<\/p><h1>Sustainable Development<\/h1><p>In the eighteenth century, when Adam Smith heavily concentrated on market and accumulation of wealth, he paid no heed to protection of environment and resources, which are commodified through industrialization. In the nineteenth century, howev er, Karl Marx and classical economists Malthus, Ricardo and Mill not only shed light on profit but also on human labor. Still, the idea of sustainable development hadn&#8217;t evolved. Later, neo-classical economics not only provided place to natural environ ment and the significance of renewable resources (fossil fuels, ores) but also identified a need of government intervention in public goods.162 The term &#8216;sustainable development&#8217; was initially introduced in forestry to un derstand the measures of afforestation and harvesting of interconnected forests that should not undermine the natural renewal of forests.163 Economic development and environmental protection are generally perceived as hostile to each other. But, in the year 1987, the Brundtland Commission published its report, Our Common Future, and linked economic development with environmental protection. In doing so, this report provided the oft-cited definition of sustainable de velopment as &#8220;development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of the future generation to meet their own needs&#8221;.164 While sustainable de velopment aims to attain economic development and progress without compromising environment&#8217;s long-term value, it &#8220;provides a framework for integrating environmental policies with development strategies&#8221;.165 To achieve the same objective, the United Na tions Division for Sustainable Development (UNDSD) has also been established. It seeks to promote and coordinate sustainable development, particularly in the areas of inter-generational issues and international development cooperation.166 Sustainable development is a core concept within the global development policy and agenda. It provides a mechanism through which society can interact with the environment, without risking or damaging the future resource.167 It is an approach to development that uses resources to allow them (the resources) to continue to ex ist for others and achieve social progress, environmental equilibrium, and economic growth. The core objectives of sustainable development are economic growth, en vironmental protection, and social equity. Based on this, it can be argued that the concept of sustainable development rests, fundamentally, on three conceptual pillars, which are &#8216;economic sustainability&#8217;, &#8216;social sustainability&#8217;, and &#8216;environmental sustainability&#8217;.168 Economic sustainability implies a system of production that satisfies present consumption levels without compromis ing future needs.169 Social sustainability encompasses notions GOALS of equity, empowerment, accessibility, participation, cultural identity, and institutional stability.170 The concept of environ mental sustainability emphasizes on the protection of natural 372\u00a0 environment and how it remains productive and resilient to support human life. Environmental sustainability is related to ecosystem integrity and the production capacity of the natural environment.171 Sustainable Development Goals(SDGs), also known as Global Goals are the in terconnected 17 goals, as envisioned by the United Nations, to attain better future by protecting the planet, eradicating the poverty and ensuring that all people en joy peace and prosperity. The seventeen SDG goals are: No Poverty, Zero Hunger, Good Health and Well-being, Quality Education, Gender Equality, Clean Water and Sanitation, Affordable and Clean Energy, Decent Work and Economic Growth, Industry Innovation and Infrastructure, Reduced Inequality, Sustainable Cities and Communities, Responsible Consumption and Production, Life Below Water, Life on Land, Peace and Justice Strong Institutions, and Partnerships to Achieve the Goals.172 To achieve these sustainable goals in some 170 counties and territories by 2030, the United Nations bodies have been active and responsible about the implementation of the plans, policies and programs associated with the sustainable goals. Integrating its national development goal framework with the SDGs, Nepal has developed the SDGs Status and Roadmap 2016-2030, SDGs Needs Assess ment, Costing and Financing Strategy, and SDGs Localization Guidelines that spell out baselines, targets and implementation and financing strategies for each SDG. The promulgation of Nepal&#8217;s new Constitution coincided with the introduction of SDGs by the UN in 2015, as a result of which, the Constitution of Nepal in 2015 adopted the policy of institutionalizing the political, social, and economic chang es in the country. The 14th Plan (2016\/17-2018\/19) was the first periodic plan to mainstream and internalize the 2030 Agenda.173 The recently released 15th Plan (2019\/20-2023\/24) continues to mainstream the SDGs.174 It has envisaged the vision of &#8216;Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepali,&#8217; with ten national goals: high and equitable national income, development and full utilization of human capital potentials, acces sible modern infrastructure and intensive connectivity, and high and sustainable pro duction and productivity as prosperity, and well-being and decent life, safe, civilized, and just society, healthy and balanced environment; good governance; comprehen sive democracy; and national unity, security, and dignity as happiness.175 According to the &#8220;National Review of Sustainable Development Goals,&#8221; pub lished by the National Planning Commission in June 2020, annually required in vestment for Nepal stands at NRs 2025 billion (about USD 19 billion) to achieve the SDGs in line with the 2030 targets.176 The Prime Minister chairs a High-level Steering Committee on the SDGs. There is also an Implementation and Monitor ing Committee led by the Vice-Chair of the National Planning Commission (NPC) and thematic committees by the NPC members, with full participation of relevant government agencies, the private sector, cooperatives, and civil society.177 The gov ernment has been working together with all stakeholders in their respective areas of competence. The provincial governments have established their policy\/planning 373\u00a0 commissions, which have been equally alerted about the SDGs.178 As such, Nepal made significant progress in poverty reduction between 2015 and 2019, reducing poverty by 1.1 percent each year.179 The goals related to water and sanitation, energy, economic development, energy, and infrastructure are also in the right direction, and has made remarkable progress in basic sanitation and access to electricity.180 Nepal is one of the most minor contributors to greenhouse gas emissions, yet it is dispropor tionately affected by climate change. 181 The outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic has left its impact on the endeavors made towards achievement of SDGs in the world, as also in Nepal, where it has affected not only the health sector and agriculture, but also manufacturing, trade, transport, tour ism, education, remittance inflows and employment. Now, a robust and compre hensive international support programs need to be initiated to mitigate the impacts of COVID-19 and regenerate Nepal&#8217;s efforts in the timely attainment of SDGs.182 374\u00a0<\/p><h1>Terrorism<\/h1><p>The struggle in defining &#8220;terrorism&#8221; is associated with the debate whether violence can be considered as legitimate if is used for the political purpose. As the modern definition of terrorism is intrinsically controversial, it&#8217;s best to being by defining the term &#8216;terror,&#8217; which comes from the Latin terrere, denoting &#8216;frighten&#8217; or &#8216;tremble&#8217;. Ter rorism exploits terror via means of violence against the targeted persons or property. Instruments used in spreading terror may be intimidation, coercion, or ransom or other forms of violence.1 Conceptually, terrorism had its origin in the French Revolution&#8217;s &#8220;Reign of Terror&#8221; (1793-1794)2 but then the acts were very different from what we elucidate as terrorism today. In today&#8217;s world, terrorists are seen employing threats to generate fear among the public and persuade citizens that their government is incapable of averting terrorism, and to get instant publicity for their actions. Terrorist acts comprise of issuing threats; bomb scares and intimidations; cyber-attacks (computer-based); homicides; abductions; and the use of chemical, biological, nuclear, and radiological armaments.3 Photo Credit: BBC 380 The UN General Assembly Resolution 49\/60, adopted on December 9, 1994 ti tled &#8220;Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism,&#8221; defines terrorism as &#8220;criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifi able, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them.&#8221; Other than the definition of UN General Assembly Resolution, terrorism has been variously defined by the UN Security Council Resolution 1566 (2004), UN Panel (2005), the European Union through Framework Decision on Combating terrorism (2002), the United Kingdom&#8217;s Terrorism Act 2000. The United States has defined ter rorism under the Federal Criminal Code; and the US Army Manual. The Department of Defense Dictionary of Military, and FBI have also defined terrorism. While defining terrorism and listing out its causes and implications, scholars and experts have identified the psychological, ideological, and strategic causes of terrorism.4 The psychological dimension includes an individual&#8217;s commitment to terrorism for personal reasons, based on their state of mind. The inspiration may be nothing more than hatred, aversion or the aspiration for power. Ideological factors may be driven by certain beliefs, values, or philosophy through which a group recognizes its specific aims and goals. Ideology may incorporate religious socialization or political values. Terrorist groups encouraged by ideology include the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the Libera tion Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka.5 Terrorism is also viewed as a logical extension of the failure of politics. When peo ple pursue compensation from the government for the tragedy that befell on them, but fail to win government&#8217;s sympathy and approach to their predicament, they may resort to violence. If accomplishment seems unlikely by using more traditional means of opposition, one might deem terrorism as a better option.6 Historically, there have been several forms of responses to terrorism. These have included the use of violence to oppose terrorists, the use of negotiation, and finally, the use of international conventions to create international norms in opposing terrorism. The use of force and violence against terrorism has been demonstrated periodically. US military action against the Taliban in Afghanistan is a contemporary example of the use of force against terrorism. The Taliban, and its terrorist organization, Al Qaeda, remained the target of US military action until the September of 2021.7 Negotiation is another method of dealing with terrorism. International agreements are another attempt at addressing terrorism, and international organizations, such as the United Nations, pass resolutions and seek to foster significant political action among member states. For example, the 1997 International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings requires that parties to the convention make it a criminal act to use explosives or other deadly devices unlawfully and intentionally in public intending to cause death to injure a person. Another example of the international community&#8217;s action was UN Security Council Anti-Terrorism Resolution 1373, &#8220;Improving Inter national Cooperation&#8221;.8 381\u00a0 In Nepal, terrorism was used as a strategy throughout the period of decade-long insurgency from 1996 to 2006. Intimidation, ransom, arson, and armed weapons were used to spread terror. Following the US-led global campaign on War on Terror, Maoists were labelled as a terrorist group.&#8221; The now-mainstreamed Maoists of the CPN (Maoist Center) were reported to have. emphasized terrorism as a critical component of their insurgent action. Violence in the form of terrorism was always a weapon of choice in Maoist&#8217;s quest to seize power and rule.10 To the minds of the Maoist splinters still operating, advocacy of and use of terrorism as dictated by local circumstances is the only way to continue the struggle to &#8216;revolutionize&#8217; the country and attract the radical ized elements who feel betrayed by the mainstreaming and democratization of Maoist party.11 One of these factions, headed by a dogmatic veteran of the movement, Mohan Vaidya, leading Nepal Communist Party (Maoist Revolutionary), became increasingly 0 0 alienated after the mainstreaming of Maoist party. By early 2011, Vaidya-led group was operating semi-autonomously and was engaging in widespread acts of terrorism.12 Another faction of Maoist &#8212; the Communist Party of Nepal led by Netra Bikram Chand alias Biplav &#8212; used violence to fulfill its political needs until it joined mainstream politics in 2020. This group was responsible for numerous bombings, kidnappings, and other forms of violent activities in Nepal. One of the significant incidents was a series of bomb attacks on NCell (Telecommunication Service Provider) towers and other public places across the country on 22 February 2019.13 On 11 March 2019, the Cab inet concluded that the CPN (Chand) group had been engaging in criminal activities by detonating bombs on infrastructure projects, disturbing peace, and security in the country, and consequently banned the party.14 Though Biplav faction returned to Nepal&#8217;s mainstream politics on 5 March 2021 after signing a three-point agreement with the government, struggle through revolution is still their main agenda. The Terrorism Index on Nepal averaged 5.59 between 2002 and 2019, reaching an all-time high of 6.86 in 2004 and a record low of 4.39 in 2016.15 A sizable proportion of the Maoists, thus, persists as radical and ultra-radical splinters, committed to carrying out acts of terrorism as a matter of policy, even as the original Maoist movement has both reached a turning point and lost some of its key leaders. Because of several violent activities conducted by these groups, the global terrorism index for Nepal stood at 5.34 in 2020.16<\/p><h1>Theory of Constructivism<\/h1><p>In the 1980s, constructivism became a progressively practical approach, especially in Western International Relations (IR). During the Cold War, there was a &#8216;healthy power balancing pattern between two blocs, led by the USA and USSR. After the Cold War and subsequent to USSR&#8217;s dissolution, the condition turned fluid and open. During this course of development, constructivists were encouraged by the 382 g IS t F Photo Credit: Shutterstock oretical developments in social science disciplines, including philosophy and sociol ogy. The historical context, the end of the Cold War, and the theoretical discussion between IR scholars, especially among the neorealist and liberals, helped set the stage for a constructivist approach.17 The word &#8216;constructivism was coined and introduced to IR by Nicholas Onuf (1989). It was later enhanced by Alexander Wendt. The core of Wendt&#8217;s argument is a refusal to neorealist position, conferring to which anarchy must necessarily lead to self-help.18 Whether it does or not cannot be decided a priori; it depends on the interaction between states. In the progression of interaction, the identities and inter ests of states are created. Wendt drives the point that constructivism is not merely about &#8216;adding the role of the idea&#8217; to existing theories of IR. Because state interests are essentially formed by ideas and social interactions.19 Hence, states in an anarchy system may possess military and other capabilities that other states can potentially threaten, but enmity and arms races are not unavoidable consequences. Social rela tions between states can also lead to more benign and friendly cultures of anarchy.20 The constructivist approach can be further understood with an analogy offered by Alexander Wendt. He says that &#8220;500 British nuclear weapons are less threatening to the United States than 5 North Korean nuclear weapons&#8221;.21 On surface, the empir ical puzzle of the danger exemplified by the North Korean missiles is easy to explain. As Wendt says, &#8220;the British are friends, and the North Koreans are not.&#8221; Constructiv ism highlights the social and relational construction of what states are and what they want and thrives on what is &#8220;socially constructed.&#8221; This is also the foundation of the label &#8220;constructivism.&#8221; Wendt states, &#8220;[ &#8230; ] a fundamental principle of constructivist social theory is that people act toward objects, comprising other actors, based on the meanings that the objects have for them.&#8221; 22 The international politics is shaped not only by the beliefs of individuals. They include Intersubjective ideas (shared among people) and institutionalized (expressed as practices and identities). Intersubjective and institutionalized forms of ideas &#8220;are not reducible to individual minds&#8221;.23 Constructivist understanding of ideas: &#8220;ideas are not so much mental as symbolic and organizational; they are inserted not only in human brains but also in the &#8216;collective memories,&#8217; government procedures, educa 383\u00a0 tional systems, and the rhetoric of statecraft.&#8221; 24 This makes it pure that the construc tivist insight is not that we replace &#8220;brute materialism&#8221; with &#8220;brute idealism&#8221;. Instead, constructivism recommends that material forces must be understood through the social concepts that define their meaning for human life.25 The constructivist attention to the social structure of interests and identities presents the more general problem of the relationship between structures and agents. The &#8220;structures&#8221; here means the institutions and mutual relations that make up the context of international action, and &#8220;agents&#8221; implies any entity that operates as an actor in that context. Returning to Wendt&#8217;s illustration, the USA&#8217;s enmity relation ship or fear of North Korean nuclear weapons is not fixed and stable fact.26 Instead, it results from the ongoing interactions both between the two states and among the states and their social context. These interactions may strengthen the relation of en mity, or they may change it. They may also strengthen or change the broader social structures in which the actors exist, comprising norms and other forms of shared meaning concerning sovereignty, threat, and interests.27 A constructivist approach to co-constitution of state and structure recommends that states&#8217; actions contribute to making the organizations and norms of interna tional life, and these organizations and norms contribute to describing, socializing, and influencing states.28 Both the institutions and the actors can be redefined in the process. Furthermore, the constructivist approach leads to a different explanation of international anarchy from neorealist or neoliberals,29 and does not imply any unit of analysis as fundamental in international relations study. As a result, it is compatible with a kind of pluralism about the unit that has been productive and contentious among international relations scholars.30 A sign of constructivism&#8217;s success in the past twenty years is the degree to which other approaches have come to recognize the socially constructed content of some of the concepts they use. The goods of realist competition, for instance, include status, prestige, reputation, and hegemony, all of which make sense only in terms of either legitimated power or shared understandings.31 They are, consequently, the stuff of constructivism as well. This has resulted from concealing the boundaries between the approaches, making them hard to define in exclusive terms, and raising the possibility that attempting to define them creates artificial distinctions.32 The variances between realism, rationalism, and constructivism may be contested, but only conceptual clar ity will escape the paradox.33 The &#8220;roti-beti&#8221; relationship between Nepal and India offers an &#8220;ideational con struct&#8221; for promoting value-oriented and norm-based cordial relationships between the two states.34 This notion of relationship of a friendly neighborhood characterized with homogeneity is based on the shared values and identities. Thus, this &#8220;roti-beti&#8221; relationship has become a social glue to connect Nepal and India enhanced by the open border.35 This unique relationship has been a keyword and emotion in avoiding any kind of distrust and suspicion in the India-Nepal bilateral relations. This ide 384\u00a0 ational association linked with culture, society, religion, and identity has given Nepal and India a new vista for further cooperation.36 However, there are several obstacles in fulfilling this constructivist notion of the &#8220;roti-beti&#8221; relationship in Nepal-India relations. First, this ideational construct can be seen at the people-to-people level immensely, but the two states&#8217; geopolitical am bitions have been a severe challenge. The &#8220;big brother&#8221; attitude by India towards Nepal, to elaborate in constructivist terms, has undermined this equal and cordial relationship of &#8220;roti&#8221; and &#8220;beti&#8221;.37 The unsettled and unresolved border disputes, the 2015 economic embargo, and several other factors have undermined this constructiv ist notion among the two states.38 The importance of Hinduism as a connecting bond between the two countries is quite evident. Holy places and pilgrimage sites in Nepal are visited by Indians frequently while many devout Nepalis too visit Hindu shrines in India. Jung Bahadur Rana, the first Rana prime minister of Nepal had visited dif ferent holiest shrines in India immediately after wrapping up his visit to England in 1852. King Mahendra, too, used to take a visit of pilgrimage sites in India when Ne pal-India relations were at low ebb. Indian Prime Minister Modi also visited Hindu shrines of Nepal in different periods of time from 2014. It shows how religious beliefs and pilgrimage offer a site of interaction between two countries.<\/p><h1>Theory of Functionalism<\/h1><p>A theory of international organization and an issue-specific approach to politics, functionalism deals with social problems by looking at their so-called technical as pects, as a response to the advent of global interdependence, and an effort to tran scend political boundaries and divisions.39 The classic functionalist approach to world order assumes that states can create a peaceful world society through gradualist and pragmatic cooperation in technical and economic sectors of activity. Functionalism offers an alternative model of the in ternational order to the power politics approach, which is characteristic of realism.40 The notion is to eradicate nationalism which is seen as the core cause of war, by at tacking national sovereignty. Classic functionalist theory contended that cooperation between states in economic areas would weaken national sovereignty in an anarchic world with the idea of pooling an international organization&#8217;s members&#8217; sovereignty to deal with a shared task, and do away with the evils of nationalism as individual citizens would hand over their loyalties to a larger supranational authority, expecting that technical and economic cooperation would &#8220;spill-over&#8221; into the political world.41 David Mitrany, the founder of functionalism, supposed that it would be the outcome of a working peace system, built progressively and incrementally. He was strongly influenced by the Fabian Socialists&#8217; philosophy, which believed that a good society could be built incrementally by bits and pieces, where international organiza 385\u00a0 tions would focus on satisfying their citizens&#8217; welfare needs and international govern ment would develop, as form followed function, that is, an international organization would take the form to fulfil particular functions.42 As a theory of international relations that rose primarily from the Second World War experience and is concerned about the state&#8217;s obsolescence as a form of social organization, and instead of focusing upon the self-interest of nation-states that the realist sees as a motivating factor, functionalism focuses on shared interests and needs shared by states and non-state actors in the development of global integration gen erated by the erosion of state sovereignty and the growing weight of knowledge and henceforth of experts and scientists in the process of policymaking.43 According to the functionalism theory, international integration in the form of collective governance and interdependence between states advances its internal dynamic as states integrate with limited functional, technical, and economic areas. International agencies would meet human needs, and the profits made possible by the functional agencies would enhance the loyalty of the people and inspire their participation and enlarge the area of integration.44<\/p><h1>Theory of Imperialism<\/h1><p>Industrialization stirred ambitions in many European states. They wanted more pos- sessions to fuel their industrial manufacture, and hence they competed for a new market for their goods. Many European states looked at other underdeveloped parts of the world as a source of raw materials and as market. Consequently, colonial pow ers seized vast areas of Africa during the ninetieth and twentieth centuries. Such a sei zure of a state or territory by a more powerful state is called imperialism. As happened throughout most of Africa, America and Asia, stronger states dominated the political, economic, and social lives of the weaker states. Those Europeans who penetrated the &#8220;other&#8221; world were explorers, missionaries, or humanitarians. The motives that drove imperialism in Africa, America, and Asia were econom ic, political, strategic, and social forces. Industrial revolution provided European states with a reason to add lands to their control. As European states industrialized, they searched for new markets and raw materials to improve their economies. The race for colonies grew out of a strong sense of national pride and belief in racial superiority. European imperialism extended to all continents of the world outside Europe and as it spread, the colonizers and the colonized viewed the experience of imperialism in differ ent ways. Some Europeans were outspoken about the superiority they felt toward the people they conquered. Others thought imperialism was wrong; even the conquered had mixed feelings about their encounter with the Europeans.45 In explaining the concept of imperialism, Lenin mentions imperialism as &#8220;the Highest Stage of Capitalism&#8221; in his writing &#8220;Imperialism as a Special Stage of Capi 386\u00a0 Photo Credit: State Library Victoria talism&#8221;.46 Imperialism, according to Lenin, &#8220;emerged as the development and direct continuation of the fundamental characteristics of capitalism in general.47 According to Paul M. Sweesy, imperialism is described as &#8220;a stage in the devel opment of world economy,&#8221; and is delivered with the five characteristic structures: (i) numerous advanced capitalist states stand on a competitive foothold regarding the world market for industrial products; (ii) monopoly capital is the main form of capital; (iii) the inconsistencies of the accumulation method have extended to such maturity that capital export is an outstanding feature of world economic relationships; (iv) severe rivalry in the world market; and (v) the territorial division of &#8216;unoccupied&#8217; parts of the world among the major capitalist powers (and their satellites).48 Imperialism is established by the relation of dominance among the countries. Johan Galtung in A Structural Theory of Imperialism describes it as a structure that splits up col lectivities and relates some of the portions to each other in relation to the harmony of in terest, and other parts in relations of disharmony of interest, or conflict of interest. He de fines imperialism as a relation between center and periphery, so that there is the harmony of interest amongst the center in the center nation and the center in the periphery nation; there is more disharmony of interest within the periphery nation than within the center nations; there is disharmony of interest between the periphery in the center nation and the periphery in the periphery nation.49 Imperialism can thus be defined as a particular type of dominance of one collectivity, usually a nation, over another. Twin approaches of imperialism further proceed. One is a vertical interaction pattern whereby the dominating nation enriches itself more due to the interaction process than the dominated nation. The second approach is the feudal interaction structure whereby the dominated nations in the periphery are kept apart, with little communication and trade among themselves.50 Five types of imperialism are then identified: economic, political, military, communication, and cultural imperialism, emphasizing the possible spill-over effect from one form to the 387\u00a0 other.51 Analyzing rhetorically &#8220;imperialism&#8221; becomes a tool that is highly malleable and is often devoid of any general meaning.<\/p><h1>Theory of Interdependence<\/h1><p>The idea of &#8216;interdependence&#8217; gained popularity in the writings of scholars endorsing liberalism in the early 1970s. Nevertheless, it had already been in use in the academic world since the 1960s. By the late 1980s scholars studying international economics were already confronted by the &#8216;complex interdependence&#8217; triggered by unprecedented flow of goods, capital, and labor among the industrialized capitalist states. Today, the term reappears continuously in the literature on international relations and has also driven assorted discussion on neoliberalism.52 Kenneth Waltz introduced his definition of interdependence in 1970. He explained Interdependence as mutual dependence, relating to situations in which two or more states &#8220;depend on each other for goods and services which cannot be easily produced at home&#8221;.53 Waltz&#8217;s explanation is significant because it familiarizes a note of realism in the common-sense use of economists&#8217; idea: specifically, the idea of bargaining power and the possibility of economic conflict between the states. One crucial theoretical contribution in this field is that of Robert O. Keohane and Joseph Nye. They have also recommended an explanation of the notion of interdepen dence, based on Waltz&#8217;s definition but protracted to phenomena of a strategic political nature and supplemented by various explanations. Interdependence in international politics refers to situations characterized by reciprocal effects between the states or be tween agents in the different states&#8221;.54 The significant point is that Keohane and Nye do not confine the term interdependence to mutual benefit circumstances. The outcomes of interdependence usually result from international trade, which has experienced remarkable growth since the Second World War. Nevertheless, the eco nomic relations forged in this way do not instantaneously lead to interdependence; this happens when trade&#8217;s reciprocal effects are linked with constraints or costs. The amount of dependence of a state which imports oil to supply its energy necessities is not the same as that of a state which imports furs, jewelry, or perfumes of the same value. Interdependence subsists where the relations comprise a fair degree of constraint, and they can only communicate for interconnection: the difference is vital if scholars wish to comprehend the politics of interdependence.55 A relatively comparable definition of the concept of interdependence is contained in a special report circulated by the US State Department and drawn up by Prof. Bloomfield of the MIT, based on a four-volume study created by the University&#8217;s Cen ter for International Studies for the Department.56 According to this report, the term interdependence &#8220;refers to a situation of bilateral dependence between states or business enterprises that possess items of value to others and are therefore able to satisfy or pe 388\u00a0 nalize each other. Ultimately, interdependence can only be understood in the context of dependence, in other words, reliance on some entity outside one&#8217;s political jurisdiction concerning a particular need or something to which value is attached, whether it be goods, money, services, defense against enemies, a stable political or military frame work, or an unpolluted atmosphere&#8221;.57 Interdependence leads to qualitatively better relationships, rather than merely the absence of worsening relations.58 There is extensive awareness that interdependence, in the forms it expected over the past decade, is a historically recent phenomenon that can not be understood according to the schemas, which might have been pertinent to the far more static international situation in 1950s and 1960s. Studies on interdependence are no longer limited to the economic sphere but seeks various levels of analysis.59 Being located between the two economic powerhouses &#8212; India, and China &#8212; Nepal is heavily depended on the southern neighbor because of its geographical constraints. Nepal&#8217;s major trading partners are India, China, Indonesia, United States, United Arab Emirates, Canada, Argentina, France, Malaysia, and Ukraine.60 As an attempt to diversify Nepal&#8217;s trade, transit and transport agreements were signed in 2016 and 2018 with China providing Nepal entree to China&#8217;s open ports of Tianjin, Shenzhen, Lianyungang, and Zhanjiang and dry ports in Lanzhou, Lhasa and Xigatse for trad ing with third states.61 A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was also signed for constructing railways from Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) of China to Nepal&#8217;s capital Kathmandu as an attempt to downsize it dependence on India.62 Other than China, Nepal&#8217;s high participation in the multilateral forums and robust diplomacy has always struggled for interdependence through foreign policy diversification. China was the second largest country as a trading partner of Nepal in fiscal year 2019\/2020 when Nepal traded worth NPR 183.11 billion with China but Nepal&#8217;s total trade with China then decreased by 11.81 percent in the fiscal year 2020\/2021.63 The supplies worth NPR 1054.44 billion bought from these states accounting for 88.10 percent share in Nepal&#8217;s total import of this fiscal year display a deficit balance of SAARC The 18&#8243; SAARC Summit Kezmande Nepal 28-27 November 2014 Photo Credit: SAARC Cultural Centre 389\u00a0 trade in goods amounting to NPR 971.39 billion which is 88.4 percent of Nepal&#8217;s total trade deficit.64 In terms of export trade, the key trading partner states were India, Unit ed States, Germany, Turkey, United Kingdom, China, France, Bangladesh, Japan, and Italy in FY 2019\/2020. Nepal exported worth NPR 91.31 billion to these states which is 93.45 percent of Nepal&#8217;s total export in FY 2076\/77.65 These patterns in Nepal&#8217;s trade with other states depicts Nepal&#8217;s interdependence with the world outside.<\/p><h1>Theory of Modernization<\/h1><p>Modernization theory studies the progression of social evolution and analyzes the development of civilizations. Classical Modernization theory extends from the late 1950s to the 1970s and has its roots in the works of Emile Durkheim and Max Weber. Modernization theory intends to set universal values of economic, social, and cultural development to all the states. But, those states, whose societies differ from these standards should follow a path to modernization to accomplish the na tion-state&#8217;s ideal model.66 Since World War II, and mainly since the 1970s, several contemporary theo ries of various sorts have emerged from the discipline of social science in the West. Modernization theory has attracted many scholars, and those scholars have devoted much attention to it. Western theories of modernization originated from the USA, motivated by the United States government&#8217;s need for an ideological basis to support the Alliance for Progress, the new US policy toward Latin America.67 Scholars argue that social thoughts are prerequisites for the formation of mod ernization theories. The evolution of the modernization theories from the late 1950s through the mid-1960s stemmed directly from the new characteristics of interna tional politics. The theories concerning modernization, being a new issue in Western social science, broadened and deepened the theme of human progress and devel opment.68 Walt W. Rostow, a famous American economist, was one of the earlier scholars studying modernization theories from development economics. His major themes were presented in his book, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Com munist Manifesto, published in 1960. In Rostow&#8217;s own words, it was &#8220;a challenge to Marxism.&#8221; Despite Rostow&#8217;s outstanding efforts in exploring the process of economic modernization from traditional society to modern development, his conclusion, un der the influence of historical ideology, could only be that America was the model of modernization in the world and that the modernization of other states needed to rely on American force, support, and assistance.69 In the head-on fight against the early theories of modernization, some new theo ries developed. The dependency theory was one of the more influential among them. It stipulated that the root cause of economic backwardness and underdevelopment of the third world states was not because of their pre-modernization or precapitalistic 390\u00a0 To structures but more because of their dependent positions in the capitalistic world&#8217;s economic system.70 During this period, scholars who were conducting studies on modernization theory from the perspective of political development included Ga briel Almond, Wilbert Moore, and Cecil Blake. Despite a variance in their research perspectives and methods, they exhibited a consensus that they used early Western industrialized states as a unified model for modernization. They emphasized research on the modernization model and development path of developing states.71 There have also been several criticisms of the modernization theories. Those crit icisms centered on the expansion of modernization as an American ideology. Mod ernization theorists treated the third world as a potential threat and were trying to incorporate the third world into the American capitalistic development system, using modernization as a bait. That, however, was just wishful thinking on America&#8217;s part, as demonstrated by history; the theoretical framework of modernization was just a subjective conceptualization, mechanically and unthinkingly dividing human society into two frozen and unalterable types, &#8216;traditional&#8217; and &#8216;modern&#8217;.72 Different ideas on modernization theories evolved, and the western moderniza tion scholars, overcoming the restraints of ideology, started to explore modernization from relative objectivity and fairness.73 Many scholars in the developing states of the third world, who used to be the passive receivers of Western modernization theories, began to directly explore the issue of modernization in their states and regions, break ing the bounds of &#8220;Westernization&#8221; of modernization theory and propelling it into a multilane development path. Finally, a new trend began to take a shape as scholars from the West and the East started to initiate cooperation on different dimensions of modernization theory.74<\/p><h1>Third World<\/h1><p>Birth of the term &#8220;Third World&#8221; is variously debated. The source of its origin is often traced to the works of Alfred Sauvy and his associates. Sauvy is generally por trayed as the father of the term &#8220;Third World&#8221;.75 The concept of Third World was also discussed during the 1955 Bandung Conference in Indonesia, where the leaders of the 29 recently decolonized or independent states agreed to use the term to assert their neutral and non-aligned foreign policy.76 Since then, the term &#8216;Third World&#8217; has gained a wider political popularity. Geographically speaking, Third World encompasses the countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, which have fought many battles for their national liberation and economic independence. Third World, in this context, denotes those countries which have faced historical subjugation either through colonialism or under the authoritarian regimes. Third world also gives the glimpse of what we understand as &#8220;undeveloped,&#8221; &#8220;developing,&#8221; &#8220;less developed,&#8221; &#8220;non-industrialized&#8221;, &#8220;have-nots&#8221;, and &#8220;south&#8221;.77 From 391\u00a0 the geographical perspective, the concept of Third World is also used to denote the world&#8217;s areas limited to the tropics and sub-tropics or within the latitudes of 35 degree north and south of Equator where exists a remarkable range of diversity in development and underdevelopment. Further conceptual clarity on Third World can be drawn with the help of mod ernization theory and dependency theory.78 The modernization theory holds that de velopment is unavoidable, evolutionary and is often reproduced by the societal differ entiation, resulting into various economic, political, and social institutions like those in the West. Such a pattern of development would create a free market system, liberal democratic political institutions, and rule of law.79 On the other hand, dependency theory contends that the sources of underdevel opment are to be traced in the history and production of the global capitalist system. Underdevelopment of the Third World is the result of a direct consequence of the con tact between the previously underdeveloped social formations and the forces of Western imperialism. Economically speaking, Third World denotes a subordinate position or as stated by dependency theorists, and the world system&#8217;s proponents, it refers to periph erality in the world capitalist economy.80 Unlike the theories of modernization and dependency, Third World in the catego rization of the United Nations specifies all the countries in the world except the United States, the European republics of the former USSR, Japan, New Zealand, South Africa, the European states, and the People&#8217;s Republic of China.81 Throughout the Cold War period, the idea of third world was associated with those countries who were neither part of NATO Warsaw Pact. Scholars also argue that the Third World is characterized by its weak control over territories and activities within them, fragile rule of law, and a weak national community in ethnically heterogeneous and fractious societies.82 At the psychological level, a collective perception of the Third World is shaped by a sense of peripheralization and victimization. 83 Third World and the &#8216;South&#8217; are used interchangeably to denote a shared experi ence of the developing and least developed countries across the world. Nepal is one of the least developing countries and is often perceived as a third world country by the researchers, scholars, and also by the donor agencies. Generally, it is done by featur ing Nepal&#8217;s landlocked geography, decade-long insurgency, and the political instability which Nepal endured for a long time. Devastating earthquakes of the 2015 and its impact of Nepal&#8217;s economy is also cited. Despite of the protracted transition and his tory of political uncertainties, Nepal has been making attempts in attaining significant economic and infrastructural growth and is all-equipped to upgrade itself to the list of developing countries by 2026. 392<\/p><h1>Torture<\/h1><p>The 1966 International Covenant on Civ- il and Political Rights (ICCPR) forbids torture and cruelty, inhuman actions, and degrading treatments but does not offer a legal definition of these terms.84 Article 1 WORLD of the United Nations Convention against WITHOUT TORTURE Torture (UNCAT) sets the foundation of the explanation of torture: &#8220;For this Convention, the term &#8216;tor ture&#8217; means any act by which severe pain Photo Credit: Shusterman Law or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity. It does not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent or incidental to lawful sanctions.&#8221; 85 Article 7(2) (e) of the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) says torture: &#8220;means the intentional infliction of severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, upon a person in custody or under the control of the accused; except that tor ture shall not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in or incidental to lawful sanctions.&#8221; 86 Thus, the fundamentals to be taken into consideration for regarding an action as torture are the following: \u00b7 Nature of the act \u00b7 The intention of the perpetrator \u00b7 Purpose \u00b7 Involvement of public officials or assimilated.87 The legal meaning of torture incorporates both actions and omissions that impose severe pain or suffering on the victims in an intended manner.88 Among the numer ous purposes that an act of ill-treatment must fulfill to be understood as a torture or cruelty, inhuman action, and degrading treatment are: use of coercion for extracting a revelation, obtaining information or confession by using force or intimidation, act of vengeance and retribution and discrimination.89 While such acts are committed by taking the consent of public official or &#8220;other person acting in an official capacity&#8221; they may appear more excruciating and agonizing. 393\u00a0 While no official efforts have been made to differentiate torture and cruelty, inhu man acts and degrading treatments, the distinction between them is characterized by complexities and ambiguities. While torture is a severe form of inhuman treatment, there is no objective distinction between the other categories.90 Although the acts may appear identical, the level of intensity and the severity of the ill-treatment, considering the victim&#8217;s susceptibility, may vary. The major International Humanitarian Law(IHL) instruments that prohibit tor ture and other forms of ill-treatments include the 1907 Hague Regulations respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land (Art. 4); the four Geneva Conventions of 1949; the Convention Against Torture (CAT); and 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Instruments of the International Human Rights Law regime also include the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Art. 5), the 1966 Inter national Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Art. 7), the 1984 Convention against Torture, and the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (Art. 37(a)). Nepal acceded to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (IC CPR),91 the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) on 14 May 1991,92 and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) on 14 September 1990.93 The Constitution of Nepal 2015 has guaranteed the right to remain free from torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatments when arrested or detained, as a fundamental right.94 Article 22 provides that &#8220;no person who is arrested or detained shall be subjected to physical or mental torture, or be treated in a cruel, inhuman or degrading manner&#8221;.95 Limited civil and administrative remedies against the perpetrators of torture pro vided under the Compensation Relating to Torture Act, which has been in force since 1996, are inadequate in meeting Nepal&#8217;s obligations under article 14 of the CAT and article 2(3) of the ICCPR, as well as the UN Basic Principles and Guidelines on Reme dy and reparation.96 Nepal has failed to meet its obligations in this regard under article 2(3) of the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights and article 14 of the Convention Against Torture. Although Nepal has adopted new criminal laws against torture, acts of torture persists. International stakeholders have welcomed introduction of penal code that has criminalized torture, but no one has been prosecuted under this law while torturous crimes still prevail.97 Nepal needs to act on obligations to the international instruments against torture that Nepal has been a party to. Also, the institutional and structural reforms, investigation, prosecution, and other actions must be taken seriously by the Government of Nepal to ensure Nepal&#8217;s status as a peace-loving state. Nepal should amend the Penal Code and other relevant provisions of law to eliminate the statute of limitations on torture cases, and ensure that the defi nition of torture is in line with international law, establish an independent preventative mechanism for monitoring of detention centers, and become party to the Optional Protocol of the Convention on Torture,98 394 hu\u00a0 by<\/p><h1>Tragedy of Commons<\/h1><p>but now Ecologist Garrett Hardin&#8217;s famous polemic, The Tragedy of the Commons, published ing in December 1968, has been tremendously influential in world affairs. The Tragedy of the Commons denotes a scenario in which commonly held land is inevitably degraded or because everyone in a community is allowed to graze livestock there. The Tragedy of ng the Commons posits that individuals acting independently and rationally according to 9: their self-interests act contrary to the most significant interests of the whole cluster speech by depleting some common resource.99 not &#8220;Commons&#8221; in the Tragedy of Commons includes resources such as atmosphere, r oceans, livestock, energy, or any other shared resource that is not formally regulated.100 st To explain this phenomenon Hardin states &#8220;Picture a pasture open to all&#8221;, in which, &#8220;A herdsman who wants to expand his herd will calculate that the cost of additional grazing (reduced food for all animals, rapid soil depletion) will be divided among all, but he alone will get the benefit of having more cattle to sell&#8221;.101 Inevitably, &#8220;the ra g tional herdsman concludes that the only sensible course for him to pursue is to add another animal to his herd.&#8221; But every &#8220;rational herdsman&#8221; will do the same thing, so 5 the commons is soon overstocked and overgrazed to the point where it supports no animals at all.102 Hardin used the word &#8220;tragedy&#8221; as Aristotle did, to refer to a dramatic outcome that is the inevitable but unplanned result of a character&#8217;s actions. He called the destruction of the commons through overuse: a tragedy. It is tragic not because it makes you feel sad, but because of the shared use of the pasture, &#8220;freedom in a common brings ruin to all&#8221;.103 The concept of the Tragedy of Commons is often cited in connection with sustainable development, meshing economic growth and environmental protection, and the debate over global warming. It has also been used to analyze behavior in economics, evolutionary Photo Credit: Shutterstock 395\u00a0 psychology, anthropology, game theory, politics, taxation, and sociology. However, the concept, as initially developed, has also received criticism for not considering the many other factors operating to enforce or agree to regulation in this scenario.104 Hardin also pointed out the problem of individuals acting in rational self-interest by claiming that if all group members used common resources for their gain and with no regard for others, all resources would eventually be depleted. Overall, Hardin argues against relying on conscience as a means of policing commons, suggesting that this favors selfish individuals, often known as free riders, over those who are more altruistic. In the context of avoiding over-exploitation of shared resources, Hardin concludes by reaffirming Hegel&#8217;s aphorism, &#8220;freedom is the recognition of necessity&#8221; and proposes that &#8220;freedom&#8221; completes the tragedy of the commons. Although the Tragedy of Commons has received inter-disciplinary embedded ness, 105 Hardin is also criticized for ignoring what happens in a natural common: self-regulation by the communities involved. Several people suggested that Hardin crit icizes &#8220;Unmanaged Commons&#8221; and favors &#8220;Managed Commons,&#8221; which constitutes a contradiction in terms.106 In the Stern Review, Nicolas Stern has related the climate change problem to the sustainable use of atmospheric sinks for Green House Gas (GHG) to manage common pool resources. The atmospheric sinks of GHG are rival or subtractable, as a unit used by one user is not available for another. GHG sinks users range from large coal-powered electricity-generation plants to families driving a car or keeping cattle. Because of these resource attributes, atmospheric sinks may experience the &#8220;tragedy of commons&#8221;.107 Us ers have incentives to use sink service units before other users make them unavailable, and it is difficult to prevent them from doing so. When everybody acts in self-interest rather than exercising restraint to conserve global GHG sinks, the cost is high.108 The challenges of governing atmospheric GHG sinks are also shaped by their users&#8217; attributes, which determine the starting point for collective action aimed at establishing or modifying governance institutions, affecting the costs of collaborating, and influencing what governance solutions can be agreed on. Political and economic factors along with current patterns in the use of atmospheric sinks for GHGs affect collective action prospects. 109<\/p><h1>Trans-Pacific Partnership<\/h1><p>The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a trade and investment pact eliminating a broad array of barriers to trade and investment. The TPP is a projected trade agree ment between the 12 Asia-Pacific countries (Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, Vietnam, and the USA) with eco nomic and strategic significance for the USA.110 The origin of the TPP goes back to the trade agreement between Brunei, Chile, New Zealand, and Singapore in 2005.111 39\u20ac\u00a0 The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiations began in March 2010 with eight members, including Australia, Brunei, Chile, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, the United States (US), and Vietnam. It was later signed by 12 countries on 4 February 2016.112 The TPP was a central strategy of US President Barack Obama&#8217;s strategic pivot to Asia.113 However, US President Donald Trump withdrew from the TPP in 2017, and the agreement could not be materialized. Following the withdrawal, TPP missed an opportunity to be a largest free trade deal in the world by encompassing 40% of the world&#8217;s economy.114 The TPP was aimed to establish a comprehensive regional agreement for the pro motion of economic integration and liberalize trade and investment.115 The TPP had primarily focused on promoting sustainable economic growth and social advantages by realizing the prospect of commercial activities in transforming the living standard of the.116 The TPP comprised of thirty chapters encompassing provisions on tariffs on goods and services, intellectual property rights, e-commerce rules, labor and envi ronmental principles, dispute resolution mechanisms, and many other facets of global trade. 117 The TPP concentrated on reducing the tariff and non-tariff barriers, facilitat ing the development of production and supply chains, and enhancing the efficiency and support in cross-border integration, as well as opening domestic markets.118 The aim of the TPP is to promote innovation, productivity, and competitiveness with the improvement of the digital economy and the role of state-owned enterprises in the global economy.119 Another critical feature of TPP was inclusive trade committed to helping small and medium-sized businesses through a regional economic integration embracing economies across the Asia-Pacific region.120 Additionally, the TPP guaranteed protection from discrimination in the services including retail, finance, communications and entertainment. The agreement wel comed foreign investment among the members and ensured protection from the unfair treatment of the investors. One of the critical features of the TPP was that investors could file a case against the host government using international arbitration panels known as investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS).121 Digital or e-commerce under the TPP safeguarded the flow of information across borders, mandated consumer privacy protections, and banned policies that forced investors to move their servers and other related facilities to the host country.122 The TPP had provisions on patent enforcement, copyright terms, and protections for technology and trade secrets. 123 The TPP went further than preceding trade deals in obligating members to allow workers to form unions, forbid child and forced labor, develop workplace conditions, and reinforce the spirit of environmental protections.124 Other essential provisions encompassed rules on transparency, limitations on monopolies and state-owned enterprises, and streamlined regulations meant to make it easier for smaller industries to trade across borders.125 After the US withdrawal from TPP, the remaining eleven signatories, known as the TPP-11, continued talks leading to form Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), which was signed in March 2018, and with 397\u00a0 the ratification by most of its members, it went into force on 30 December 2018.126 Like TPP, the CPTPP remains essential in the region as the countries like Colombia, Taiwan, and Thailand have shown interest in joining it, and the UK after its exit from the EU, have requested to participate in the CPTPP. Similarly, China has also applied shortly after the security pact AUKUS was formed.127<\/p><h1>Treaty of Westphalia<\/h1><p>The treaty of Westphalia signed in 1648 ended the tradition of unending wars and con- flicts in Europe and established the structure for modern international relations. The notions of state sovereignty, mediation, and diplomacy trace their roots in this treaty&#8217;s transcript. This peace, which was essentially made up of two various peace conferences, was the primary effort at modern international diplomacy and properly solidified the early stages of religious toleration from a political standpoint.128 It was one of the pri mary efforts at categorizing an international set of laws that fundamentally delivered the foundation for international communities including the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) and positioned the foundation for an initial American nation. The Westphalian system remains the dominant model for international poli tics worldwide, and the idea of state sovereignty, consolidated by peace. One distinct feature of the Treaty of Westphalia is the foundation for international law, professional diplomacy and modern international treaties and conventions.129 Each of the three principal fundamentals of treaties: (i) total formal religious freedom, (ii) the diplomatic profession&#8217;s institution, and (iii) acknowledgement of Photo Credit: Roger Viollet, Getty Images 398\u00a0 126 sovereign states contributed to this enduring effect. The idea of state sovereignty is the very long-lasting and is still in practice in the foreign policy behaviors and objectives m of the UN, the EU, and the USA.130 Nevertheless, these three ideas consolidated at and Westphalia did not appear instantaneously, and were the products of the efforts made from time to time to develop political philosophies over the sixteenth and seven teenth centuries. 131 Even after international relations were renegotiated after the First World War, academics contend that the Peace of Westphalia provided an outline for several mod ern international communities. The Charter of the UN engraved in 1945 has some n of the very same provisions. A scholar of international law at Tufts University, Leo he Gross, says that the provisions of the Peace of Westphalia &#8220;constitute, in a sense, an y&#8217;s early precedent for Articles 10, 12, and 16, or the Covenant of the League of Na tions&#8221;. Some claim that Westphalia was also an initial model for America&#8217;s birth and is he European nations&#8217; modern relations. 132 Scholars agree that the Peace of Westphalia was a revolutionary and monumental re and accomplishment, which advanced international diplomacy that did not exist before In the the seventeenth century. It was influential over the Treaty of Versailles, and the tra dition can still be seen in modem international politics. Negotiations reached by the an Congress in 1648 on the issues of individual state sovereignty, religious tolerance, and bli diplomatic solutions to international warfare remained the standards of common and act international law until the First World War and, questionably, still form the center nal of the relations between the states. The Westphalian tradition can be seen in various modern international settings and the United Nations, and is one of history&#8217;s leading bus models for how one conflict may affect the activities of the dozens of independent of states for centuries. 399\u00a0<\/p><h1>Ukraine Crisis<\/h1><p>Since the independence of Ukraine in 1991 from the USSR, Russia has always considered the republic in southeastern Europe as its tradition sphere of influence. But the former soviet republic has always desired to come out of such influence. Thus, Ukraine has been wavering between pro-European and pro-Russian gov ernments.1 Also, Ukraine has always Photo Credit: Reuters wanted to be part of the European Union to assert its strategic autonomy and get benefitted by the integration with European Union. Today, while Ukrainian crisis in underway because of the Russian military aggression and inflow of Ukrainian refugees in Europe, Ukraine awaits further progress on EU membership bid. Ukrainian Crisis began in 2014, when the then President of Ukraine Viktor Ya nukovych suspended the preparation of its entry into EU. This resulted into a huge mass protest throughout the country.2 As soon as the protests toppled the pro-Rus sian government, President Yanukovych fled the country.3 To establish the influence and control over Ukraine, Russia invaded Crimea and took control over it in March 2014.4 Moreover, the separatist groups in Ukraine backed by Russia, controlled some parts of the Eastern Ukraine. Also, the separatists from the Ukrainian forces were backed by the Russian military overtly.5 These incidents put the Russia and the West ern countries into an upsetting position for the first time after the Cold War.6 The Ukrainian crisis, which has resurfaced again, should be understood from two perspectives: Russian aggression and NATO membership expansion. During the Brussels Summit of June 2021, NATO leaders reaffirmed their decision from the 2008 Bucharest Summit that Ukraine would join the Alliance, with the Membership Action Plan (MAP) as a key component of the process, and Ukraine&#8217;s right to deter 404\u00a0 mine its own future and foreign policy, free of outside interference.7 Also, Ukraine is the fourth largest military support recipient from the USA. As a response to the un folding events, Russia mobilized 100,000 soldiers along with tanks and other military equipment in November 2021.8 In the wake of the increasing military support from USA to Ukraine and possibility of Ukraine&#8217;s entry into NATO, Russia presented the security demands to the West to cease the NATO&#8217;s military expansion in Eastern Europe and Ukraine.9 Although the Russian and the US delegates met in Geneva in January 2022 to deal with the budding threat perceptions, the meeting could not reach to a specific conclusion.10 Regardless of several attempts of deterrence and diplomacy between the West and Russia, Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February 2022.11 It was the largest military offensive in Europe after the Second World War.12 The US, the European Union, and several other countries have imposed harsh sanctions on Russia, including attempts to cut some Russian banks off from international payment systems and restricting the Russian central bank&#8217;s access to financial markets, as well as trade restrictions, asset freezes, and other measures.13 Several NATO nations have pledged to supply weapon ry to Ukrainian forces.14 The EU has declared intentions to transfer military weapons to a third country for the first time. Putin has put Russia&#8217;s nuclear weapons on &#8216;special alert&#8217;, causing concern and increased condemnation throughout the world.15 Hun dreds of thousands of people have already left Ukraine to flee the conflict creating hu manitarian problems including refugee crisis in the neighboring countries in Europe. Many countries have condemned the act of aggression by Russia towards Ukraine. With respect to the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, sovereign equality, international security, and global peace, western countries have perceived act of Russia as the war crimes. The United Nations, in response to the act of aggression by Russia in towards Ukraine from 24 February have aided all kinds of humanitarian support to the in forcibly displaced Ukrainians.16 The priority of the UN has been laid on the protection of the civilians. On 2 March 2022, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the a resolution demanding Russia to halt its military activities in Ukraine immediately.17 ge The resolution demanded that Russia &#8220;immediately, completely and unconditionally S withdraw all of its military forces from the territory of Ukraine within its international Of ly recognized borders.&#8221; 18 A total of 141 countries voted for the resolution, five countries h against it, and thirty-five members were abstained. and Nepal, who is strong adherent to the values and principles of world peace and re international security, voted in favor of the resolution in UNGA.19 Before voting in And the UNGA, the Nepali mission to the United Nations urged Russia and Ukraine to begin dialogue so that peace might be established between the two.20 Nepal opposes any threat or use of force against a sovereign nation&#8217;s territorial integrity and political the independence. Before the voting, the US Secretary of State Blinked telephoned Prime the Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba about the situation in Ukraine.21 Nepal is also one of P the members of United Nations Human Rights Council to hold an urgent debate on the Ukraine crisis. 22 405<\/p><h1>Unilateralism<\/h1><p>Unilateralism is a one-sided approach or method used by a state or political actor to interact with the international environment by maximizing one&#8217;s self-interest and limiting commitments while maintaining autonomy. Semantically, the suffix &#8220;ism&#8221; also signifies a specific access. However, one should be cautious about being con cerned with the only access. In politics, the opposite of access, namely, inaction and disorientation, also has its dangers.23 While unilateralism can be described as an overarching method, it is essential to recognize that every political act, at least in foreign and security policy, begins as a one-sided and unilateral act. That is because every political act is a unilateral definition of one&#8217;s interests.24 The definition of interests cannot be delegated, for this goes to the very core of a state&#8217;s purpose.25 It is also mainly on a unilateral basis that states derive goals and pursue objectives based on those interests. However, the move beyond unilat eral action to compromise in the sense of considering others&#8217; interests only comes at the point where policies are defined and implemented in support of one&#8217;s interests. Thus, it might very well be in one&#8217;s interest to consider the interests of others.26 Unilateralism in international relations can be understood from two perspectives: passive and active. Passive unilateralism is characterized by disinterestedness, where as pirations, goals, and fields of action are minimal. Such disinterest is reflected in both substantive issues and regional engagement. Still, passive unilateralism renounces any influence over one&#8217;s interest.27 In contrast, active unilateralism perceives that power in international politics is unequally distributed and thus is aimed at pursuing one&#8217;s inter ests with no consideration or minimal consideration for others&#8217; interests.28 From a strictly legal perspective, unilateralism represents initiating unilateral le gal activities. In contrast with treaty actions, unilateral actions express the drive of only one subject of law (individual unilateral acts) or a particular group of subjects collectively in a body, commonly endowed with legal personality (unilateral collective acts). From a political point of view, the concept also designates the use that a state or group of states acting collectively makes of it for specific, definite goals; for instance, aiming at influencing the outcome of multilateral negotiations.29 Yet, there are limits to unilateralism, as any state is circumscribed by two factors: first, the scope, intensity, and geographic extent of its interests; and, second, the instruments of power at its disposal. Power is predominantly associated with the defense apparatus in the form of the capability to intervene along with the economic, political, and cultural dimension of the ability to influence.30 From the perspective of power and interests, the inclination to unilateral action is a question of scale where the smaller countries with fewer interests cannot allow themselves a policy of uni lateralism. But, even, in case of great powers, unilateralism is constrained by finance and spending.31 406\u00a0 Thus, unilateralism in the sense of complete freedom of action without commit ment to compromise or cooperation seems highly inadvisable. Not even the most dominant states are immune to others&#8217; resistance, and many of today&#8217;s new, global challenges are best addressed cooperatively. At the same time, multilateralism in the extreme is also a recipe for disaster. It implies either the renunciation of statehood or the paralysis of least-common-denominator foreign policy. There is, however, a place for unilateral action. The definition of national interests and national purpose is, by nature, a unilateral act. It is for each nation to decide on its own what it values and what it does not.32 Until the Sugauli Treaty of 1815-16, Nepal&#8217;s expansionist drive in South Asia was a unilateral move. After Nepal became member of the UN, Nepal&#8217;s foreign policy shifted toward multilateralism. In today&#8217;s globalized world of interconnectedness and reciprocity, the notion of multilateralism is more important for Nepal. Nepal&#8217;s for eign policy emphasizes &#8220;economic diplomacy&#8221;, which reiterates on Nepal&#8217;s economic activities through bilateral, regional, and multilateral assistance. Thus, the concept of multilateralism is more favorable to Nepal to fulfill its national interest through its increasing international engagement. For Nepal, multilateralism, in fact, is the key to Nepal&#8217;s economic success and Nepal&#8217;s vision of &#8220;Prosperous Nepal and Happy Nepali&#8221;. Multilateral organizations and local and national governments play a critical role in creating a conducive environment where social innovations can flourish in Nepal. It explains why Nepal has variously condemned the unilateral moves of major powers and superpowers in different multilateral forums.<\/p><h1>United Nations (UN)<\/h1><p>British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and the US President Franklin D. Roos- evelt issued a statement on 14 August 1941 setting ways for the world after the end of the Second World War. Such ways included not only the efforts aimed at penalizing and disarming Nazi Germany, but also emphasized on the establishment of peace, freedom, collaboration, and security among states.33 They signed, therefore, the At lantic Charter which paved the way for the establishment of the United Nations Or ganization (UNO). Later, the Allied &#8220;Big Four&#8221; signed United Nations Declaration in 1942 along with 22 other states . Afterwards, the Dumbarton Oaks Conference in 1994 led to the establishment of a &#8216;general international organization&#8217;, the successor for the League of Nations. The San Francisco conference in 1945 reviewed the Dumbarton Oaks Agreement and intro duced the United Nations Charter. On 26 June 1945, the Charter was signed by all the participating countries. After the ratification of the Charter by the UK, the US, France, China and majority of signatory countries, the establish 407\u00a0 ment of the United Nations was declared on 24 October 1945. The United Nations is headquartered in New York, USA with 193 countries as its members.34 With an objective to maintain international peace and security, develop friendly relations among the countries, the UN also seeks international cooperation on the is sues of socio-economic and cultural importance and address humanitarian problems through the effective protection and promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms.35 According to the Charter, the UN has seven principles. They are: 1. Sovereign equality of all the member states; 2. All the member states should fulfil obligations under the Charter; 3. Peaceful settlement of international disputes; 4. No threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state; 5. All members shall assist the UN in any action taken per the Charter; 6. The Non-member states should act following these principles related to the main tenance of international peace and security; 7. Non-interference in internal affairs.36 The Charter presents the purposes and principles of the United Nations and sets out the structure of the United Nations. In the Charter, the Preamble is followed by 19 chapters and 111 articles.37 The UN has six significant organs. They are: 1. General Assembly 2. Security Council 3. A Secretariat 4. Economic and Social Council 5. International Court of Justice 6. Trusteeship Council. The General Assembly is the chief deliberative organ of the UN. Decisions on im portant questions, such as those on peace and security, admission of new members and budgetary matters, require a two-thirds majority.38 The Security Council is re garded as one of the essential organs in the UN. The committee consists of five per manent members- China, Russia, the UK, France, and the USA- who have the veto power. It is a decisive vote that permanent members can use to block any resolution or directive unilaterally. Besides the five permanent members, there are ten non-per manent members elected on a regional basis for a period of two years.39 The UN Secretariat performs the administrative duties as directed by the de cisions of the General Assembly, the Security Council and other UN organs. The Secretary-General, who is the chief administrative officer of the UN is appointed by the General Assembly for five years term following the recommendation of the 408\u00a0 Security Council.40 The Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) harmonizes the 14 UN specialized agencies&#8217; efforts, ten functional commissions, and five regional commissions. It accepts reports from nine UN funds and programs and offers policy recommendations to the UN system and the member states.41 As the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, the role of International Court of Justice is to settle legal disputes submitted to it by the conflicting parties. ICJ also offers legal opinions and juristic views on the issues referred by the organs of the United Nations and specialized agencies. The ICJ decides disputes between the states based on the voluntary contribution of the states concerned. A state willing to partake in a proceeding must obey the Court&#8217;s decision.42 The Trusteeship Council was established to supervise for 11 Trust Territories under the International Trusteeship System and ensure that adequate steps were tak en to organize the Territories for self-government or independence.43 Since 1994, the Trusteeship Council has suspended all its operation. Precisely, after the indepen dence of Palau in the same year, the last remaining UN trust territory, the Trusteeship Council has remained inactive. The regular budget of the UN covers the cost of two years for its staff and activ ities of the principal organs, offices, and regional commissions. The primary source of funds is the contribution of the member states, based on an assessment scale ap proved by the General Assembly.44 Although the role of UN peacekeeping was neither mentioned nor provided in the UN Charter, Article 29 of the UN Charter authorizes that the Security Council &#8220;may institute such subsidiary organs as it considers essential for the performance of its functions.&#8221; As peacekeeping increasingly becomes a normative mechanism in maintaining peace and security, it should be remembered that the Charter, the Uni versal Declaration of Human Rights, and International Humanitarian Law (IHL) are the guiding principles of all peacekeeping operations.45 Role and duties of each member-state of the United Nations (UN) are import ant in promoting and preserving global peace and security. As a member state of UN since 1955, Nepal has always contributed to the United Nation&#8217;s objective in maintaining global peace and security.46 Nepal has played a pivotal role in peace and security, social development, economic promotion, and world peace. Nepal has also signed different treaties and agreements passed by different specialized agencies of the UN.47 Nepal worked as the Vice-President of the General Assembly in 1958, 1967, 1974, 1983, 1988, and 2001, and was elected as non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council in 1969-70 and 1988-89. Nepal played a significant role passing the special report on discrimination based on color. Nepal also worked as Vice-Chairman of Disarmament Commission in 2004.48 During the Maoist insurgency in Nepal, as per the Government of Nepal and Maoist&#8217;s request, a mission was sent to Nepal by the UNO, which played an 409\u00a0 appreciable role in driving Nepali peace process into logical end.49 As a peace-loving state, Nepal has been significantly contributing to the UN peacekeeping operations worldwide since 1958. The UN Regional Center for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific has been established in Kathmandu. Nepal has also called for the protection of the rights of the small and landlocked countries and developing states in the different UN sessions and other meetings.50 In 2020, Ne pal was reelected with 150 votes as a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC). ibiug ads 410\u00a0<\/p><h1>War Crimes<\/h1><p>The term &#8220;war crime&#8221; was first used in 1872, in the second edition of Jo hann Caspar Bluntschli&#8217;s Das mod International Law of the Civilized States as a law book.1 More than three decades later, German jurist L. F. L. Oppenheim used the word &#8220;war crime&#8221; in his celebrated treatise on international law. Oppenheim defined four different kinds of war Photo Credit: UN-SG Annual Report crimes, which includes violation of acknowledged rules of warfare by enemy armed forces, if carried out without orders; hostilities committed by the individuals who are not the members of the enemy armed forces; espionage and war treason; and marauding acts.2 While prosecuting the violators of the rule of warfare, after the First World War, the Allies attempted to subject Kaiser Wilhelm II to a criminal obligation for waging war. After the Second World War, nevertheless, the condition changed decidedly.3 In 1943, the Allies founded the United Nations War Crimes Commission to examine war crimes committed by Nazi Germany. The foreign ministers of the Allies also proclaimed in Moscow that the perpetrators of wartime atrocities would be tried. Despite a multilateral attempt through 1928 Kellogg-Briand Pact to outlaw war, the Second World War had occurred.4 The Nuremberg trial played an important role in the development of interna tional criminal law, implying that individuals involved in crime against peace and humanity would be held accountable. Nazi party officials along with high-ranking German military officers were indicted for their involvement in the crime against hu manity. As Hitler committed suicide, he naturally escaped the trial. The Nuremberg trail was a key inspiration in establishing an international court and set a precedent for penalizing the war crimes. 412\u00a0 The drafting of the 1949 Geneva Conventions offered an opportunity to eluci date the scope of war crimes. The 1949 Geneva Conventions accordingly did not use the word international &#8220;war crimes&#8221;; instead, the term &#8220;grave breaches&#8221; was used.3 It was only in 1977, the Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions (AP I) gave a clear explanation under Article 85(5) that the &#8220;grave breaches&#8221; of the Geneva Con ventions are regarded as war crimes.6 Towards the end of the 20th century, an international determination was bud ding to advance criminal responsibility for war crimes. The UN Security Council in 1993 and 1994 formed the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugosla via(ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was signed in 1998 that paved way for the establishment of International Criminal Court (ICC). It is a permanent interna tional court with an objective to investigate, prosecute and try individuals accused of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocides. While the international commu nity was always looking for a permanent judicial body capable of bringing perpetra tors of atrocities to justice,7 ICC fulfilled that. Parties to Rome Statute introduced an enumerated list of four prosecutable crimes, one of which was &#8220;war crimes&#8221;8 For the &#8220;war crimes,&#8221; the Rome Statute conferred the ICC with jurisdiction in cases of international armed conflict (IAC), where there were &#8220;grave breaches&#8221; of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, or &#8220;other serious violations of the laws and customs applicable in international armed conflict.&#8221; More over, in circumstances of non-international armed conflict (NIAC), it established the court jurisdiction over &#8220;other serious violations of the laws and customs applicable in armed conflicts not of an international character.&#8221; 9 ers; Several prominent treatises mention definitions of war crimes. Some define in a my comprehensive manner while others in more constricted sense. There are also prop ositions on understanding war crime as the violation of international humanitarian Var, law. Within some domestic legal systems, however, the term &#8220;war crime&#8221; suggests ing actions that would not establish war crimes under international law.10 In I also<\/p><h1>War on Terror<\/h1><p>led. the To the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, US President George W. Bush re sponded by projecting US military power on a global scale by launching the global war on terror, constituting the single most ambitious readjustment of America&#8217;s for on eign policy objectives since the Second World War. At the joint session of Congress and following the attacks, President Bush said that &#8220;every nation, in every region, now has Ling a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists&#8221;.11 President hu Bush regarded the 9\/11 attack as the beginning of a &#8220;new era&#8221;.12 mountain dent 413 The War on Terror obliged governments around the world to readjust their policies, pos GLOBAL tures and perceptions. The US devoted all its ef forts to forming a coalition of governments de signed to win a war on terrorism and dramatically WAS improved its relations with Russia, several Central Asian states, India, Pakistan, and various other states that are of strategic importance to the US in fighting its war against the terrorists. Still, Pres ON OF ident Bush&#8217;s invitation to join the coalition aimed TERROR at combating terrorism was a half-threat, couched in terms of the dualist proposition &#8220;you are either with us or against us, Good or Evil&#8221;.13 The first stage of US-led &#8220;War on Terror&#8221; Photo Credit: Justseeds campaign encompassed military objectives and called for an international cooperation through the diplomatic, economic, and legislative channels, intending to annihilate the terror ist network.14 To interrupt the flow of funding to terrorists, suspected bank accounts were frozen across the countries. The legal cooperation from the countries around the world was sought to investigate and arrest the terrorists operating in different parts of the world. Perceiving it as a long-term action, the Bush administration expressed its intention to widen the scope of war, in its next stage, by eliminating the weapons of mass destruction from the states reportedly sponsoring terrorism.15 While the US had initiated its &#8220;War on Terror&#8221; campaign, Nepal was facing Maoist insurgency. The United States had dramatically increased its military aid to Nepal after the September 11, 2001 attacks. Maoists in Nepal were perceived by US policy makers are terror spreaders, who were exploiting rural Nepal&#8217;s underdevelop ment and illiteracy as justification for killings and brutalities. Thus, United States wanted to enhance Nepal&#8217;s capabilities and resources to fight the violence and terror installed by Maoist guerillas in rural Nepali societies. Thus, Nepal became part of the global &#8216;war on terrorism&#8217;. US Policy of combating extremism and terrors in various forms globally was bolstered by perceiving Nepali Maoists as terrorist.16 At first, India closely coordinated with the US strategy to defeat the Maoist-led People&#8217;s War in Ne pal, and China acquiesced. But, by the spring of 2004, both India and China rejected the American understanding of the Nepali Maoists as &#8220;terrorists&#8221;.17 414<\/p><h1>Wars of the Third Kind<\/h1><p>This concept is introduced in the book Wars of the Third Kind: Conflict in the Underdeveloped States, written by Edward E. Rice, where the author provides a critical examination of guerrilla wars and counter-insurgency policies. Targeted to both, the policymakers and the general public, the author WARS OF THE warns of significant threats from the pitfalls of intervening THIRD KIND in Third World conflicts. CONFLICT IN UNDERDEVELOPED While Rice addresses a broad audience, political scientists COUNTRIES could also benefit from his analysis. Rice analyzes the origins and evolution of insurgency wars and critiques the policies ad opted by major powers as they become embroiled in these wars. This type of conflict, found most often in Third World Photo Credit: states, is what Rice refers to as &#8220;wars of the third kind&#8221;. Cambridge University Press<\/p><h1>Weapons of Mass Destruction<\/h1><p>The term &#8220;weapons of mass destruction&#8221; was used for the first time in the December 1937 Christmas speech on &#8220;Christian Responsibility,&#8221; conveyed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, William Cosmo Gordon Lang.18 Legally speaking, the concept of the &#8220;weapons capable of mass destruction,&#8221; appeared in the first resolution approved by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly in 1946. Later, by 1948, an alternative usage, &#8220;weapons of mass destruction,&#8221; was being widely used. While it found an important place in the deliberations on disarmament, the United Nations tasked a committee to find an appropriate definition for the same. The committee came up with the following definition: &#8220;[WMD] &#8230; atomic explosive weapons, radioactive material weapons, lethal chemical and biological weap ons, and any weapons developed in the future which have charac teristics comparable in destruc tive effect to those of the atomic bomb or other weapons men tioned above.&#8221; 19 While the term &#8220;weapons of mass destruction&#8221; offered a required terminology for the post- World War II disarma ment program, it quickly gained Photo Credit: World Policy 415\u00a0 prominence, first in disarmament negotiations; then in treaty law. Thus, the defi nition of WMD was acknowledged by the international community. Further, the WMD has been elaborated and defined by many scholars as nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons (NBC), like chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear weap ons (CBRN), as CBRN and high explosive weapons (CBRNE), as weapons capable of causing mass destruction or mass casualties that cause mass disruption.20 Over time, WMD acquired additional meanings because of the application of the term to the contexts outside of diplomacy. Although issues related to WMD are heavily discussed in the diplomatic world, security communities, too, have used this terminology. While it finds a place in Russian military doctrine, the US government officials also used it in setting the debates of arms control and disarmament until the end of Cold War. During the 1990s, it appeared comprehensively in US national security principle, criminal law, and political discourses.21 The proliferation of the WMD generates transnational challenges to the states and societies across the regions and serves as a potential catalyst for conflicts among the states. Upsurge in acts of political extremism and terrorism are also tied to the threat of WMD proliferation.22 Understanding the severity and threat posed by the WMD, different treaties have been inked with an aim to control the WMD, which include Outer Space Treaty (prohibits the placement of WMD in outer space), Sea bed Treaty (impose restrictions on the geographic placement of WMD), Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (reduction and limitation of offensive arms), and Moon Trea ty (prohibits placement of entities carrying nuclear weapons or any kinds of weapons of mass destruction in Moon or other Celestial Bodies).23 Nepal faces a considerable security threat not only because of the nuclear capa bilities of its two immediate neighbors, but more because of their geopolitical con testation and opposing political systems. Geographically, Nepal is surrounded by the nuclear-armed countries whose relations with each other is characterized by antago nism and strategic competition. While India-Pakistan relation is driven by unending conflict over Kashmir, Sino-India ties are also not free from the strategic competitions and territorial conflicts. In addition, the proliferation of terrorist groups in Paki stan and India has multiplied non-conventional security challenges for Nepal. Given its geopolitical sensitivity, Nepal&#8217;s security threats emanating from these states with WMD bourgeon whenever reports on Sino-India border conflicts and India-Pakistan border wars resurface. A direct risk of these weapons being used by the neighbors to Nepal is unlikely, but the vulnerability of the open borders and the changing dy namics of Himalayan geopolitics poses a massive challenge from the transfer and de ployment of weapons of mass destruction. Nevertheless, Nepal has always supported general and complete disarmament of all the weapons of mass destruction embedded in its commitment to disarmament and international security and world peace, as enshrined in its constitution provision on foreign affairs and international relations. 41\u20ac<\/p><h1>Women in Development (WID)<\/h1><p>The idea of integrating women into aid practice first appeared in the United States of America in the early 1970s, when (mainly female) development practitioners and researchers assertively advocated for the representation of women in aid agencies. Initially, it was challenging for aid organizations in associating women in their aid programs.24 With the beginning of Women in Development (WID) program, donor agencies, governments and (I)NGOs have become more concerned about the role of women in development activities. The 1975 World Conference of the International Women&#8217;s Year at Mexico City, and the United Nations Decade for Women (1976 1985) highlighted women&#8217;s issues across the globe by emphasizing on improved edu cational and employment opportunities, equality in political and social participation, and improved health and welfare services.25 WID campaign also demanded social justice and equity for women as the idea of development was not confined to the conventional underpinnings; rather, it was understood from the perspective of hu man security. Integration became the catchword of aid agencies in the 1970s and early 1980s, powered, to some extent, by the axiomatic assumption that women&#8217;s lives would change for the better, once they are integrated into the development process. Ap proaches such as gender and development (GAD) and &#8216;women and the environment&#8217; (WED) were used in aid agencies&#8217; discourse as a powerful rhetoric.26 Although these integration efforts raised the recognition of women&#8217;s role in development and invig orated a more &#8216;gender-aware&#8217; approach to development planning, the early concept of integration was concurrently criticized as being driven by the traditional practices and was male-biased.27 The concept of &#8216;Women in Development&#8217; has variously influenced the legal pro visions of representation and inclusion in developing countries. According to the World Bank (2019), Nepal&#8217;s female population is 54.395% of the total population.28 The Constitution of Nepal stipulates the abolishment of the all kinds of discrimi nation based on sex, religion, and caste and demands equal opportunities for both sexes in voting right, wages, and promotion at workplaces.29 Women&#8217;s representation and leadership are vital to addressing the interests, needs, and concerns of women in Nepal. Throughout the political transition, either during the decade-long Maoist insurgency from 1996 t0 2006 or during the time from the end of Maoist insurgency in 2006 to the promulgation of new constitution in 2015, the issues of women and ways to resolve them through leadership of women were also always emphasized.30 International and national commitments placed the role of women at the heart of state restructuring after the political change of 2006. The Sixth Five-Year plan (1980-1985) highlighted the importance of women&#8217;s participation in the development process for the first time through the national pro grams. Also, the importance of women&#8217;s equal and significant participation in the 417\u00a0 development processes is emphasized in the Eighth Five-Year Plan. For the effective implementation of the concept of women in development in Nepal, the Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare plays an important role through the so cial, political and economic empowerment of women for sustainable development.31 UN Women-Nepal has also played an important role in ensuring that all the con stitutional provisions on gender equality and women&#8217;s economic empowerment are meet. In the same manner, various INGOs and NGOs are working in Nepal re iterating on women&#8217;s economic independence and role of women in development activities. Women&#8217;s struggle for equality and political participation goes back more than a century, in Nepal. But, Nepali women&#8217;s engagement in social, economic, and political freedoms have not been appropriately documented. From the contribution of Queen Rajendra Laxmi, Yogmaya Neupane, Chandrakanta Malla, Mangala Devi Singh, Sahana Pradhan, Shailaja Acharya, Sushila Karki to the incumbent President Bidya Devi Bhandari, Nepal has witnessed the effective participation of women in the politics of Nepal. Constitutionally, 33% quota has been allocated for women representatives, ranking Nepal 16th out of 140 countries in terms of the percentage of women in the national parliament. Other areas too, women have played a signif icant role through their involvement in commercial activities and entrepreneurship, employment sectors (private and government), labor employment, security forces, among others. In the past, women&#8217;s role in Nepal foreign affairs and diplomacy was minimal. But in the recent days, it has been increasing. In 2020, five of Nepal&#8217;s 25 ambassadors were women. During the Covid-19 pandemic, Nepal&#8217;s female ambassadors displayed their diplomatic skills and problem solving behavior to ensure the safety and security of Nepali abroad and projecting the country&#8217;s international image in different inter national forums. The growing presence of women in the foreign service is attributed to the attraction of a diplomatic career. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, there are 33 out of 58 women employees who are serving as Section Officers or other higher posts. They comprise one Joint Secretary, eight Under-Secretaries, 24 Section Officers, and 25 Naayab Subbas (non-gazetted first-class staff). The participation of women in politics and economics has also significantly increased after the restoration of democracy in Nepal in 1990 and more so after the political change of 2006 and the promulgation of Constitution in 2015. Rise in the number of females actively committed towards the service of nation is crucial and important for the project of nation building in the 21st century. 418<\/p><h1>World Bank<\/h1><p>Conceived in 1944 with an objective to rebuild war-torn Eu- rope, the World Bank Group, today, has evolved as world&#8217;s larg est development assistance unit, with the mission of fighting poverty and underdevelopment. Its initial purpose, following the end of the World War II, was to issue long-term loans to governments for reconstruction and economic development. When it was founded in July 1944 at the Bretton Woods Con ference, alongside its sister organization, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), it was named as the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD).32 At present, the World Bank Group consists of the following five institutions: \u00b7 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) lends to the governments of middle-income and credit-worthy low-income states; \u00b7 The International Development Association (IDA) provides interest-free loans called credits and grants to the most impoverished states&#8217; governments; \u00b7 The International Finance Corporation (IFC) provides loans, equity, and tech nical assistance to stimulate private sector investment in developing states; \u00b7 The Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) assures against losses caused by non-commercial risks to investors in developing states. \u00b7 The International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) provides international facilities for conciliation and arbitration of investment disputes.33 The World Bank Group operates under the authority of its Boards of Governors. Each of the World Bank Group institutions&#8217; member states appoint a governor and an alternate governor, usually government officials at the ministerial level or the head of the country&#8217;s central bank. General operations of IBRD are deputized to a smaller group of representatives, the Board of Executive Directors. They also serve as ex offi cio in IDA&#8217;s Board of Executive Directors and IFC&#8217;s Board of Directors under the Ar ticles of Agreement for those two institutions. Members of MIGA&#8217;s Board of Direc tors are elected separately. Unlike the other four institutions, ICSID does not have a board. The executive directors select the World Bank Group president. The president functions for a term of five years, which may be repeated. There is no compulsory retirement age. In addition to leading the meetings of the Boards of Directors, the president is accountable for the overall management of the Bank.34 The five most prominent stakeholders (France, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States) hire an executive director, while 20 nominated executive directors represent the various member states, 189 in number.35 The voting system at the Bank outlines and drives both its policy and operational behavior. The voting powers of member states are based on their economic size and contribution 419\u00a0 to the International Development Association. In practice, five major donor states with the voting power (United States with 23.66 percent; Japan with 5.87 percent; Germany with 5.36 percent, France with 5.04 percent and the United Kingdom with 5.04 percent) control the bank. They also have their sway on the executive boards of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the International Development Agency.36 As the world&#8217;s largest funding institution for the developing countries, the pri mary focus of the World Bank is to work with the poorest people and the poorest states. Although its fundamental mission of reducing poverty and improving lives has not changed, the Bank is adjusting its approaches and policies in the new con text of the changing needs of the developing countries. These reforms aimed at pro moting the spirit of inclusiveness, drivers of innovation, efficiency, effectiveness, and accountability fall into five areas: reforming the lending model; increasing voice and participation; promoting accountability and good governance; increasing transpar ency, accountability, and access to information; and modernizing the organization.37 The World Bank has helped Nepal in various stages of its infrastructural and so cio-economic development. Its assistance is centered on public expenditure manage ment, private sector development, bolstering agriculture sector, increasing access to primary education, improved health care services, rural water supply and sanitation programs, and essential services for the socially excluded groups and marginalized communities. During Nepal&#8217;s transition to federalism, World Bank&#8217;s role was cen tered on supporting decentralization, autonomy, and accountability. World Bank&#8217;s strategies for good governance also include supporting the accountability and trans parency of public finance. But the outcomes of the Bank&#8217;s program are often rated as moderately unsatisfactory. World Bank has also played a role in enhancing Nepal&#8217;s connectivity. On June 10, 2020, World Bank approved financial assistance of 450 million dollars for &#8220;Nepal Strategic Road Connectivity and Trade Improvement Project,&#8221; to improve its region al road connectivity. The fund also helpful in setting the course for post-COVID-19 economic recovery by creating new jobs by implementing Nagdhunga-Naubise-Mug ling road improvement project, and upgrading the Kamala- Dhalkebar-Pathlaiya road to smoothen Nepal&#8217;s connectivity and trade with India and other countries. Realizing the prospects of good governance, political stability, and sustainable growth in Nepal, in 2018, the World Bank introduced its Country Partnership Framework (CPF) including the fiver-year period from 2019-2023. For past five decades, World Bank has been financing projects and providing technical assistance and policy advices to Nepal. The World Bank has always extend ed its support by comprehending Nepal&#8217;s the changing needs of Nepal and has been instrumental in reducing poverty and improving the living standards of the Nepali people. Nepal received first technical assistance grant in 1964 from the Bank financ ing to a survey of transportation. The first credit was offered to Nepal&#8217;s telecommu 420\u00a0 nication project in the year 1969. After the political change of 1990, Bank&#8217;s assistance also centered on infrastructure development in the domains of power, water supply, irrigation, telecommunications, highways, and sanitation. Assistance is also offered in the areas of health and education. Efforts are also made to support forest man agement and conservation, keeping the objectives of environment protection and bio diversity conservation at the center.<\/p><h1>World Systems Theory<\/h1><p>World Systems theory is a macro socio-political approach in understanding one of the key reasons of unequal relations existing among the countries,.38 It was American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein, who popularized this theory in the late 1970s as a study on the cause and impact of global capitalism. While the classical Marxism anal yses the cause and implications of inequality inside a country, World System theory attempts to find answer to the pertaining question: What makes relations among the countries unequal? While the theory of modernization and classical Marxism alone were not able to elucidate the implications of development, domination, and depen dency that had surfaced globally in the wake of Capitalism and free market economy, the World Systems theory came as an alternative.39 World Systems theory is a set of premises founded on the fundamental assump tion that core capitalist countries thrive on the exploitation of the peripheral coun tries. But, world system, for Wallerstein, was different from both a world-empire, defined as having a single state and a mini-system, far less extensive.40 Rather, the world systems are defined by the economic mode of production and the political and social structures that aim to simplify the economic production and growth. Numerous world systems are believed to have existed in human history at dif ferent periods of times and in different parts of the globe. But the highest amount of attention in world systems analysis is given to the modern world-system. Because, since the late 1400s, it is embodied as the &#8220;ceaseless accumulation of capital&#8221;.41 The World Systems theory studies world as encompassing many states connect ed in complex and interdependent ways, but functioning with a single logic of its own. Thus, the political, economic, and social progress of the countries cannot be understood without comprehending the evolution of the system.42 As such, world systems theory accepts that once a state is appointed into a world-system, its internal socio-economic makeup is routinely restructured to serve its new role in the larger economic context as part of the core, the periphery, or the semi-periphery.43 This new role redefines the state itself and, according to Wallerstein, the internal relations among its peoples, classes, and households.44 The case of Nepal&#8217;s economic dependency and patterns of its labor migration can be analyzed with the help of the world systems theory. while Landlocked geography 421\u00a0 aggravated the peripheral character of Nepal, its dependence for trade and other eco nomic activities on India has reduced the country&#8217;s productivity impacting seriously on its internal socioeconomic condition while concurrently serving the interest of the core as people are migrating to the core and semi-peripheral states for better wages and quality of life. Minimal production in Nepal and exploitation of Nepal&#8217;s natural and human resources in the name of foreign direct investment and aids by the core and semi-peripheral states have rendered Nepal into the list of least developed states. The overall impact of this whole process is peripheralization of Nepal in South Asia. The core-periphery relationship can be further understood, also in the context of the impacts of climate change. Global warming can be directly credited to the process of high industrialization in the Western states, and the exploitation of the colonies or the peripheries by the core states, whose industrial progress in the present days has a direct impact on the natural environment. Thus, despite its very low level of indus trialization and minimal contribution to the causes of climate change and carbon emissions, Nepal cannot extricate itself from the harms that global industrialization has inflicted on it. 422\u00a0<\/p><h1>Xenophobia<\/h1><p>Xenophobia is the state of fear and hatred characterized by aggression towards any- thing that is of foreign origin. Here, aversion compounded by hostility is targeted to anybody outside one&#8217;s social group, state, or country. The word &#8220;xenophobia&#8221; comes from Greek word with two components: &#8220;xenos&#8221; which refers to foreigner, and &#8220;pho vos&#8221; which means fear. Thus, xenophobia is understood as the fear of foreigners,1 and implies one group&#8217;s fear of another concerning its identity, activities, and a desire for a supposed purity. Often, the consequence is violent hostility between different groups, with unexpected results.2 Xenophobia is not rare in post-colonial societies as the sentiments of superiority and identity politics often drive them. The unfulfilled prospects of a new democracy in the face of unemployment, poverty, and deprivation3 often act as catalyst in accelerat ing the xenophobic insolences. As such, xenophobia can create enemy images and the sources of such antagonism may be discovered in various factors: conflict of interests, racial prejudices, religious conflicts, socio-economic differences, among others.4 XENOPHOBIA EPA Photo Credit: BBC 425\u00a0 While numerous factors trigger a xenophobic behavior, they can be systematically listed as: 1. Migration (response to a growing number of migrants); 2. Socioeconomic changes (response to economic recession, unemployment, or fear of losing one&#8217;s job); 3. Social isolation and low social status (response to a low level of education, low income, or substandard living conditions); 4. Globalization (response to supranational institutions and commercialization of culture); 5. Right-wing movements (response to very robust belief in law and order when faith in democracy is traumatized, patriotism, and nationalism); and 6. Uncertainty (influence that cuts through the others, connected with the sense of existential and emotional threat).5 Xenophobic acts are recurrently the upshot of propaganda and sparked by provo cation to hatred, aggression, and violence carried out at several levels, i.e., social, political, and economic. Mass media of an authoritarian, fundamentalist, theocratic and conservatist regime may also propagate the instances of xenophobia, impeding the effective implementation of human rights norms and democratic values. All core international human rights instruments encompass provisions that are indispensable for averting and contesting xenophobia manifestations.6 Of specific importance, in this context, are the provisions on prohibition of discrimination prompted by inspir ing hatred and animosity; the right to equality before the courts and tribunals; the right to equal and adequate protection against discrimination on any ground; the right to liberty and security of person; and the prohibition of torture, cruelty, inhu man action, or degrading treatment or punishment.7 States have experienced xenophobia in one way or another form. In Thailand, the ethnic minorities of the hill tribes are reportedly treated as outsiders only because most of them live in protected forests. Falsely perceived as national security threats, hundreds of thousands of them are refused citizenship although many are natives to the land. Ex trajudicial killings, torture, disappearances, and intimidation of the members of Thai land&#8217;s hill tribes by Thai police and military were quite rampant under Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra&#8217;s &#8220;War on Drugs&#8221; campaign that started in 2003. Xenophobic attitude in Myanmar, however, can be understood only by analyzing the attitude of ruling elites towards the minority Muslims Rohingyas, who have faced decades of discrimination and repression under the different regimes in Myanmar. Effectively denied citizenship under the 1982 Citizenship Law, they are among the world&#8217;s largest stateless populations. About 900,000 Rohingya live in overcrowded camps in Bangladesh, most of whom fled Myanmar since August 2017 to escape the military&#8217;s crimes against humanity and possible genocide. In France, the xenophobic discretions are quite often reflected in the immigra tion policies. Islam is always framed as hostile and threatening to integration. Such 426\u00a0 a trend divides society into &#8220;us&#8221; and &#8220;them&#8221;, and the &#8220;French&#8221; and &#8220;others&#8221; result ing into everyday racism whereby French citizens with foreign backgrounds are con strued as alien to France and consequently demonized. Among the western states, the United Kingdom also has a record of demonstrating xenophobic attitude toward the immigrants and the Muslim religion. Islamophobia is also manifested in the growing hate crimes against minority groups and particularly the Muslim communities after the 9\/11 attacks. In South Asian context, xenophobia has more religious lines. In India, xenopho bia surfaces through caste and religious differences, particularly the Hindu-Muslim differences. Critics are often heard accusing India&#8217;s ruling party, Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) for latter&#8217;s intolerance toward the minorities, Dalits, Muslims, women, and immigrants, and further fueling xenophobic sentiments. The report by the Human Rights Watch expressively indicates the violence against Muslims and minorities by the supporters of BJP. Hundreds of people are reportedly detained without charge in Jammu and Kashmir(J&amp;K) under the draconian Public Safety Act, which permits detention without trial for up to two years. Dozens of people get injured and die and properties are destroyed during the outbreak of communal violence. As a multilin gual, multicultural, multiethnic state, Nepal has been free of the instances of such xenophobic violence. Nevertheless, state-endorsed xenophobia in Nepal dates to the Mughal incursions across North India in the 14th century. While Nepal pursued isolationist policy during the oligarchic Rana rule, the only foreigners permitted to enter Nepal were Hindu Indians on their way to Pashupatinath for Shivaratri. But, in his history, Nepal has always averted a large scale ethnic and communal violence. Communities dedicated to promote the ethnic and communal politics do exist, as do differences among them. But there have never been any instances of widespread vio lence incurred by a particular group against the another in the religious or racial lines.<\/p><h1>Yalta Conference<\/h1><p>The Yalta Conference took place in a Russian resort in Crimea, from February 4-11, 1945, where US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin made imperative decisions on different facades of World War II and on the postwar future.1 In the conference, leaders emphasized on holding Germany accountable for the heavy damage it incurred on Europe and to world at large, in terms of lives and property. While the Allied leaders discussed the future of Germany, Eastern Europe, and the United Nations, the Americans and the British broadly agreed that the fu ture governments of the Eastern European countries neighboring the USSR should remain &#8220;friendly&#8221; to the USSR regime. Simultaneously, the USSR guaranteed to conduct elections in all the territories freed from Nazi Germany. The negotiators also released a declaration on Poland. In the deliberations concerning the future of the Unit Photo Credit: Atlantic Council 428\u00a0 ed Nations, all parties decided on the USA&#8217;s plan regarding voting procedures in the Security Council, which had been extended to five permanent members. Each of these permanent members was to adopt a veto on resolutions in the UN Security Council.2 Although the Yalta conferece underlined the US-USSR wartime cooperation, such arrangement turned out to be transitory. After Franklin D. Roosevelt&#8217;s death on April 12, 1945, Harry S. Truman became the thirty-third president of the Unit ed States3 and by the end of April, the Truman administration was embroiled in a dispute with the USSR in regards to their dominance and interest in Eastern Europe and the clout in the United Nations. Till this day, most passionate critics of Roosevelt administration are often heard accusing him of &#8220;handing over&#8221; Eastern Europe and Northeastern Asia to the communist USSR at Yalta, despite of no perceptible conces sion from the side of the USSR.4 Yalta Conference is often cited as the act of compromise between the great powers as all three countries-the United States, the USSR, and the Britain-lost something but simultaneously gained too. In the international domain, Roosevelt displayed the sign of accomplishment convincing Stalin to vote for the United Nations principles and persuading him to go for war against Japan. In the same manner, Stalin secured his position by bringing the entire Eastern Europe under Soviet influence. Chur chill, however, gained by securing Western Europe and reestablishing France in the Security Council to balance Soviet power in Europe. However, the post-Yalta events unfolded a scene drastically different from the pledges made at the conference paving the way for the Cold War rivalry between the USA and the Soviet Union.5<\/p><h1>Zero-Sum<\/h1><p>The term zero-sum comes as a resultant of the zero-sum game theory. A zero-sum condition occurs when one party gains and another party experiences loss. In zero-sum games, one player&#8217;s gain is, by definition, equal to the other&#8217;s loss. There is no point in communication or cooperation between the players in a zero-sum game because their interests are contrasting.1 Game theory, in security studies, examines the interstate in teractions as zero-sum games, in which the benefits of the players are opposed.2 John Nash (1951) proved long ago that all equilibrium pairs are equal and sub stitutable when multiple equilibria exist in a zero-sum game. The two equilibria are not equal merely because the players&#8217; payoffs are different under each equilibrium.3 Conservatives are inclined to view wealth distribution as less zero-sum: &#8220;wealth can grow so there is enough for everyone&#8221;, while liberals are inclined to see wealth as more zero-sum &#8220;people can only get rich at the expense of others&#8221;. This zero-sum viewpoint is echoed in the national political debate.4 Liberal politicians institute an Us-versus-Them rhetoric when they talk about rising income inequality. Conser vatives think in zero-sum footings on policies that would re-stitch the state&#8217;s social fabric, as an encounter to the status quo.5<\/p><h1>Zone of Peace Proposal<\/h1><p>The Zone of Peace Proposal was first announced by Late King Birendra Shah when he ascended the throne on 31 January 1972.6 Later, it reappeared in his address to the foreign dignitaries, who had assembled in Kathmandu to attend his coronation on 25th February 1975. The proposal was also present in the text of his speech de livered at the 4th Summit Conference of nonaligned countries in Algiers held from 5-9 September 1973.7 Time taken by Nepal to explicate the essential components of the Zone of Peace Proposal indicate the gravity of the proposal. A seven-point definition formulated by the Foreign Ministry in early 1981 was made public for the first time by the then Prime 430\u00a0 Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa in February 1982. Until such formu lation, explanations were extended in support of the proposal under two themes. First, the proposal aimed to maintain neutrality in keeping equal relations with Ne pal&#8217;s two giant neighbors, India and China. This helped in build ing the rationale for equidistance from India and China. The pro posal, mooted by King Birrendra, was also advantageous for the Photo Credit: Annapurna Express strategically placed country like Nepal to escape the Cold War rivalry among the two superpowers, United States and the USSR.8 The second theme aimed at ensuring domestic political stability and eco nomic development. Both the themes are adequately reflected in the Zone of Peace Proposal&#8217;s seven-point statement.9 The seven points are: 1. Nepal will adhere to the policy of peace, nonalignment, and peaceful coexistence. It will continuously endeavor to develop friendly relations with all countries of the world regardless of their social and political system, particularly with its neighbors &#8211; based on equality and respect for each other&#8217;s independence and sovereignty. 2. Nepal will be seeking peaceful settlement of all disputes between itself and any other state or states. 3. Nepal will not resort to the use or threat of force in any way which might endan ger the peace and security of other states. 4. Nepal will seek a peaceful settlement of all disputes between itself and other state or states. 5. Nepal will not permit any activities on its soil that are hostile to other states sup porting this proposal, and in reciprocity, other states supporting this proposal will not permit any activities hostile to Nepal. 6. Nepal will continue to honor the obligations of all the existing treaties which it has concluded with other countries as long as they remain valid. 7. In conformity with its peace and nonalignment policy, Nepal will not enter into a military alliance, nor will it allow any foreign military base on its soil. In reciproc ity, other states supporting this proposal will not enter into a military alliance nor allow military bases in their soil directed against Nepal. Driven by the policy choice of non-alignment and neutrality, Zone of Peace proposal essentially endorses the spirit of non-aggression, peaceful settlement of disputes and 431\u00a0 peaceful economic and social development in Nepal. ZoP has emphasized on the five principles of peaceful coexistence (Panchasheel) in a renewed form. In a very sig nificant way, the proposal can be seen as the continuation of Nepal&#8217;s efforts to value all the bilateral relations equally by endorsing the principle of sovereign equality.10 Nepal made vigorous diplomatic efforts to secure international support for the Zone of Peace proposal. Nepal&#8217;s &#8216;Zone of Peace&#8217; proposition was extensively encouraged in all diplomatic fronts and international forums. New Delhi&#8217;s reservation over the proposal citing the provisions from the Peace and Friendship Treaty of 1950 between Nepal and India11 didn&#8217;t discourage Nepal, however. In today&#8217;s era of military aggression, great power tensions and rivalry between regional powers, the Zone of Peace proposal is relevant not only for Nepal but also for other countries that are strategically placed. Every small and weak state in the world has security threats and risks from the militarized and nuclearized states. The larger states in the world are vying for the power and influence in the world&#8217;s different regions. Military and economic competition among the states is increasing day-by day. As a result, the weak and small states face problems and threats. Thus, in this era of strategic competition for dominance, the Zone of Peace concept is more relevant than during the Cold War period. For Nepal, the idea of declaring Nepal a Zone of Peace is germane and pertinent due to the growing conflict and competition between India and China, and China and USA. Its geostrategic importance is more relevant today also owing to the rise of China in Nepal&#8217;s neighborhood. In view of the strategic ambitions of Nepal&#8217;s nucle ar-armed neighbors, and increasing US-China strategic competition globally, ZOP is suited to safeguard the country&#8217;s sovereignty, territorial integrity, as well as indepen dence, economic well-being, and prosperity. 432<\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/06\/IR-Dictionary.mp3 Filename Start Time End Time Duration Accommodation 00:00:00.000 00:05:12.408 00:05:12.408 Act_of_Aggression 00:05:12.408 00:10:27.936 00:05:15.528 Act_of_Coercion 00:10:27.936 00:16:16.991 00:05:49.055 Act_of_War 00:16:16.991 00:19:26.304 00:03:09.312 Adjudication 00:19:26.304 00:26:39.480 00:07:13.175 Administered_Territory 00:26:39.480 00:29:54.144 00:03:14.663 Afghan_Crisis 00:29:54.144 00:35:52.896 00:05:58.752 African_Union 00:35:52.896 00:40:55.608 00:05:02.711 Agent-Structure_Debate 00:40:55.608 00:45:34.487 00:04:38.879 Aid 00:45:34.487 00:51:53.208 00:06:18.720 Air_Power 00:51:53.208 00:55:12.000&#46;&#46;&#46;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-279","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-mird-501-introduction-to-international-relations"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/279","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=279"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/279\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":285,"href":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/279\/revisions\/285"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=279"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=279"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sushilparajuli.com\/ird\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=279"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}